Rifleman Irvin Kirwin Ray—Died of Sickness November 13, 1943

 Irvin Kirwin Ray was born in St. Mary’s River, Guysborough County, on March 12, 1921. Irvin’s father, Joseph Elijah Ray, was the son of Thomas and Catherine Elizabeth (Robar) Ray, St. Mary’s River. According to the 1891 Canadian census, Thomas Ray was a native of England. Irvin’s mother, Melissa Angelina Jack, was the daughter of Jacob and Mary Elizabeth (Rudolph) Jack, Gegoggin.

Rifleman Irvin Kirwin Ray

Joseph and Melissa married at Liscomb on November 15, 1917. At the time of the 1921 census, three sons resided in the Ray household—Russell (YOB c. 1915), John Alexander “Alex” (DOB May 25, 1918), and Irvin, age two months. Thomas Ray, age 54, one of Joseph’s brothers, was also living in the home.

Tragedy struck the Ray family on April 28, 1924, when 29-year-old Melissa died from peritonitis while under medical care in St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish. Irvin’s father Joseph and his uncle Thomas kept the family together, managing to provide for Melissa’s three young sons through challenging times. Irvin left school after Grade VI and eventually went to work in the local woods.

Within months of Canada’s entry into the Second World War, Irvin enlisted with the Halifax Rifles on February 27, 1940. A militia unit with a lengthy history of service, the Rifles became part of the Canadian Active Service Force after Canada’s declaration of war on Nazi Germany.

In mid-July 1940, Irvin was assigned to Camp Aldershot for basic training. His service file suggests that the 19-year-old was a spirited young man. During his time in Halifax, he was “placed under stoppage of pay… for Barracks Room Damage.” While at Aldershot, he was sent to “Detention Barracks” on two occasions for “attempting to break into camp” after hours.

Irvin’s actions may have played a role in his transfer to the Royal Rifles of Canada (RRC) on November 28, 1940. Henry Andrew “ Harry” Surrette, a Port Bickerton resident, was also assigned to the RRC’s ranks on the same day and likely accompanied young Irvin on the journey to Sussex, NB, where their new unit was stationed at the time. (Harry Surette’s story is available elsewhere on this blog.)

The RRC, one of Canada’s oldest regiments, traced its roots to the 8th Battalion Volunteer Militia Rifles, established in Quebec City in 1862. As a “rifle regiment,” its soldiers received the rank of “Rifleman” upon enlistment. Officially re-named the Royal Rifles of Canada on March 29, 1920, the regiment was called out for service on August 26, 1939, and placed on active duty the following month.

Shortly after Irvin’s arrival, the RRC departed for Botwood, a small town in north-central Newfoundland. While the island was still a British colony at the time of the war’s outbreak, Canada assumed responsibility for its defence in September 1939. Throughout the war, Canadian infantry, artillery, air force and naval personnel were deployed at strategic locations across the island and along the Labrador coast.

Botwood, located on the shores of Bay of Exploits, possesses a deep natural harbour. In 1920, an airfield was constructed near the town. In the late 1930s, Pan American and the British Overseas Airways Corporation (BOAC) made the facility a regular stop on their trans-Atlantic flights. Following the outbreak of war, the location became an RCAF patrol and bombing base that housed two squadrons of PBY Canso flying boats, equipped with torpedoes and depth charges.

Canadian infantry units established a garrison in the town, constructing a barracks, water system and full-scale military hospital. Soldiers were deployed at two gun batteries that defended the harbour’s entrance, and manned several anti-aircraft batteries located throughout the community. Approximately 10,000 Canadian and British personnel served at Botwood at various times during the war.

On August 18, 1941, the Royal Rifles returned to Canada. After a two-week leave, Irvin rejoined the unit in New Brunswick in mid-September. The following month, the battalion was on move again, travelling by train to British Columbia. On October 27, 1941, the RRC and Winnipeg Grenadiers boarded the vessel Awatea and departed for Hong Kong. Approximately 2,000 men were crammed aboard the ship, which was escorted by HMCS Prince Rupert as it crossed the Pacific Ocean.

At the time of the Canadians’ departure, the British colony of Hong Kong was considered a safe deployment. The two infantry units had received only minimal training, but Allied commanders did not anticipate anything more than a routine garrison assignment. In their mind, there was little likelihood that the soldiers would be involved in combat.

The Awatea arrived in Hong Kong on November 16 and Canadian personnel set about establishing defensive positions throughout the territory, in co-ordination with a third British battalion. The Royal Rifles and Winnipeg Grenadiers were assigned to Hong Kong island, where they focused on defending its southern coastline from an amphibious invasion.

A total force of 14,000 military personnel from Canada, Britain, Hong Kong and Singapore were deployed in the Hong Kong area. Indian and Chinese soldiers constituted approximately one-third of the entire force. The colony lacked significant aerial and naval defences, and relied almost exclusively on the infantry units for its security.

In the early morning hours of December 7, 1941, the situation in Hong Kong changed dramatically. The Japanese attack on the American naval base at Pearl Harbour, Hawaii, immediately brought the Pacific power into the war on the side of Germany and Italy. This development posed a significant security threat to British and American territories and military bases throughout the Asia - Pacific region.

When news of the Pearl Harbour attack reached Hong Kong, the entire garrison was immediately ordered to battle stations. Before day’s end, the two Canadian units left their barracks and assumed defensive positions along the island’s southern coast. The anticipated attack commenced at 8:00 am December 8, when Japanese forces destroyed the few Royal Air Force planes stationed at Kai Tak Airport on the mainland. Several hours later, Japanese infantry units crossed the colony’s northern border and engaged British troops.

By December 12, all British units had abandoned positions on the Chinese mainland and retreated to the island of Hong Kong. The following day, British commanders organized their forces into two groups. The Royal Rifles were assigned to the East Brigade, while the Winnipeg Grenadiers were attached to the West Brigade. Both were still primarily responsible for defending the island’s southern coastline.

In the ensuing days, Japanese forces commenced a heavy artillery and aerial bombardment of Hong Kong island, systematically destroying defensive positions on its northern coast. At midnight December 18, Japanese infantry units launched four simultaneous amphibious assaults along a three-kilometre stretch of its northern beaches and fanned out to the east and west.

The Royal Rifles’ “C” Company, in reserve close to the landing area, launched a counter-attack on the invaders during the early morning hours. Other RRC platoons were involved in fighting on the western side of Mount Parker, located in the island’s northeastern corner. Japanese forces located in positions along the hilly terrain inflicted significant casualties on the inexperienced Canadians.

By December 20, the invaders reached Repulse Bay on the southern coast, effectively splitting the island in two. Exhausted and lacking sufficient supplies, the remaining RRC personnel attempted to push northward over the rugged terrain, hoping to dislodge enemy forces and establish contact with their Western Brigade counterparts. Japanese units, however, held their ground against the assault. On the night of December 22/23, the RRC’s personnel received orders to retreat to the Stanley Peninsula, located on the island’s southeastern coast.

At 1:30 pm Christmas Day, in a final desperate effort to push the enemy back, the Royal Rifles’ “D” Company launched a daylight attack on Japanese forces in Stanley Village. While greatly outnumbered, the soldiers managed to enter the village and occupy several houses before a Japanese counter-attack forced them to retreat. The Company suffered 101 casualties, including 26 men killed in action.

The failed counter-attack was one of the last Canadian engagements with the enemy. At 3:15 pm December 25, 1941, British Commander Major-General Christopher Maltby and British Governor Sir Christopher Young officially surrendered to Japanese forces. A total of 290 Canadian soldiers were killed during the Battle of Hong, while another 493 were wounded and taken prisoner. A further 1,192 uninjured soldiers also became prisoners of war.
 
Irvin Ray was among the uninjured Riflemen taken prisoner that day. While the Geneva Convention established rules for the humane treatment of POWs, Japan was only a signatory to the agreement and never ratified it. As a result, throughout the war, the Japanese government adopted the position that it had the right to change its terms “as required.”

In the immediate aftermath of the surrender, Japanese commanders established two POW camps in Hong Kong, one on the mainland near Kowloon and the other in the northern part of the island. Structures in both camps had been severely damaged during the fighting and were poorly suited for habitation.

The Japanese made no effort to improve the conditions. Up to 175 men were crammed into buildings designed to accommodate 30 people. As beds were infested with vermin, the men slept on the concrete floors. Sanitary facilities were also woefully inadequate for the number of POWs.

As the Japanese Bushido—“the way of the warrior”—considered surrender a shameful act, POWs were considered cowards and treated with contempt. Few of the guards spoke English, forcing internees to learn basic Japanese in order to understand commands. Prisoners who failed to comply with an order were beaten.

Daily food consisted almost exclusively of rice, occasionally mixed with old vegetables or rotten meat. Portions were small, resulting in dramatic weight loss. The poor diet combined with filthy living quarters and unsanitary conditions to produce a number of illnesses in the camps. Dysentery, pellagra (caused by vitamin deficiency), diphtheria, cholera and “beriberi”—inflammation of the nerves and/or heart failure caused by a lack of vitamin B1—soon spread throughout the prison population.

To make matters worse, the men were expected to work, often in horrible conditions. Among other tasks, the Hong Kong POWs rebuilt the damaged Kai Tak Airport entirely by hand. In other locations, POWs in Japanese custody worked in mines, docks and railway yards. Perhaps the most brutal treatment was the use of POWs to build a railway through the dense jungle of Burma.

As the war progressed, Japanese authorities relocated some of the Hong Kong POWs to camps in Japan. The first of four transfers occurred in September 1942 and continued into 1943. In total, approximately 1,100 Canadians were transferred there during the war. Conditions in these camps were very similar to those in Hong Kong—uncomfortable living quarters, lack of food, and widespread sickness.

The facilities in Japan were mainly labour camps established to support the war effort. The men were required to work long hours in conditions that were physically demanding and often unsafe. Accidents and injuries were commonplace, as was illness.

Irvin Ray was among the Hong Kong Canadian POWs transferred to Niigata 5B, located in the seaport of Niigata about 320 kilometres northwest of Tokyo. Situated on the west coast of Honshu Island adjacent to the Sea of Japan, the location was known for its cold and snowy winters. The camp opened on September 3, 1943, with the arrival of 300 POWs from Hong Kong, most of whom were Canadians.

It is not known for certain whether Irvin was part of this initial transfer, but later events suggest that he likely was. The 200 Canadians and 200 other POWs made the journey from Hong Kong in the small hold of a Japanese collier, Manryu Maru, in August 1943. Upon landing at Osaka, the Canadians travelled by train to Niigata. In early October 1943, 350 American POWs arrived in the camp.

The men were housed in a single two-storey wooden building surrounded by a small yard. Approximately 30 men were crammed into each of its 10 rooms, provided only with a cotton blanket and a hard pillow. The sole water source was one outdoor pump—no other washing facilities were available. The outdoor toilet at one end of the barracks was totally inadequate for the number of men, many of whom developed chronic dysentery. A small hut in the yard served as a cook shack.

The men’s work day commenced with roll call at 6:00 am, followed by a march to their workplace. The POWs toiled until 5:00 pm and then marched back to camp. Work assignments continued regardless weather, despite the fact that men lacked proper footwear and clothing for inclement or winter conditions.

The POWs worked in several locations around the city. One group at the Rinko Coal Yard loaded coal into small cars, then pushed them along rails mounted atop an ancient 30-foot trestle. The  coal was then dumped into stockpiles or rail cars below the trestle.

A second group of POWs worked at the Shintetso Iron Foundry, a primitive and hazardous operation. The sole benefit was that the men were inside and warm during the winter months. A third group laboured as stevedores at the Marutsu Dock Yard, where they often pilfered food and other valuable commodities and then smuggled them into camp.

Medical treatment initially consisted of a Japanese Medical Corpsman who had been a dental assistant prior to the war. In late October 1943, a Royal Army Medical Corps Major, Bill Stewart, arrived in camp and established a 30-mat sick bay in a barracks room. As winter set in, many of the POWs quickly contracted pneumonia, due to the lack of warm clothing, poor diet and inappropriate shelter.

While it is estimated that only 10 % of the POWs were healthy enough for physical labour, the Japanese authorities insisted that they work regardless of their condition. Of the original 300 Canadians who arrived in Niigata, 102 died from disease, sickness, or work injuries. While there are no official statistics to support the claim, the POW death rate at Niigata was reputed to be the highest of any Japanese labour camp. Many of the survivors suffered from health issues for the remainder of their lives.

Rifleman Irvin Kirwin Ray was among the men who fell victim to the horrible conditions at Niigata. On November 13, 1943, Irvin died in Camp 5B from a combination of pneumonia and starvation. Another Canadian POW, Geoffrey Marsden, Oshawa, ON, was identified as the “witness” on his death certificate. As was the Japanese custom, Irvin was cremated and his ashes were interred in a Niigata cemetery.

Commemorative grave marker, Niigata Cemetery

On February 17, 1944, Major General H. F. G. Letson wrote to Joseph Ray, informing him that Canadian military authorities “had learned of the death of your son, F29946 Rifleman Irvin Kirwin Ray, who gave his life in the service of his country in Tokyo [sic] on the 13th day of November 1943. From official information we have received, your son died of illness whilst a prisoner of war.”

A second letter from Canadian authorities, dated January 11, 1947, informed Joseph that “the remains of your son… have now been interred in… [the] Canadian section of the British Commonwealth War Cemetery at Yokohama, Japan. This is a recognized burial ground which will receive care and maintenance in perpetuity.”

Of the 1,685 men taken prisoner in Hong Kong, only 1,428 returned to Canada after the war. A total of 264 men died in Japanese POW camps, almost as many as were killed in the Japanese attack on the British colony.

Joseph Ray passed away at St. Mary’s River on September 11, 1955. His second son Alex left home at an early age and eventually established residence on Little Tancook Island, Lunenburg County. He died at Fishermen’s Memorial Hospital, Lunenburg, on January 12, 2006. Joseph’s oldest son Russell remained in the Sherbrooke area throughout his life. The date and place of his death are unknown.

Special thanks to Kelly Kaiser, Sherbrooke, NS, who provided information about Irvin Ray's family circumstances.

Flight Sergeant James Anthony Osborne "Jim" Strachan—Killed In Action October 9, 1943

 James Anthony Osborne “Jim” Strachan and his twin sister Honora “Nora” were born in Antigonish, NS, on Easter Sunday, April 4, 1920, the oldest of John Osborne and Clara (McMillan) Strachan’s seven children. Early documents record the family surname as “Strahan,” but its spelling transitioned to “Strachan” after the First World War.

Flight Sergeant James Anthony Osborne Strachan

The Guysborough Strachan family traces its roots to George Strahan, born in Scotland c. 1750. George served as a Sergeant with the 78th Highland Regiment during the American Revolutionary War. Following the war, he chose to remain in British North America, receiving a land grant of 87.5 acres at Manchester, Guysborough County, on June 2, 1785. Three years later, he married Elizabeth Taylor, a descendant of another pioneer Scottish family. The couple’s son, George Robert, was born in Manchester on November 22, 1788, and later married Sally Whitman, a native of Weymouth, Massachusetts.

George Sr. passed away around 1817. By that time, the Manchester settlers realized their land was ill-suited to agriculture. In response, many families abandoned their farms and moved elsewhere. George Sr.’s widow Elizabeth, her son George Robert and his wife Sally moved to Auld’s Cove—then known as Gut of Canso— where they were among the location’s first permanent residents.

George Robert and Sally’s son, John Ashberry “Berry” Strahan, was born in Auld’s Cove around 1818. On February 8, 1841, he married Margaret Marie McDonald, daughter of Duncan and Sally McDonald, in a ceremony held at Havre Boucher. The day prior to his marriage, church records indicate that Berry was baptized into the Roman Catholic faith.

Three of Berry and Marie’s children married into the family of Timothy McKeough, a Loyalist descendant, and his wife Mary Anne Wright, Little Tracadie (Linwood). Duncan, one of Berry and Marie Strahan’s sons, was born in Havre Boucher on April 24, 1848, and married Hannah Maria McKeough at Havre Boucher on February 10, 1874. Duncan and Maria settled in Port Mulgrave, where their oldest son, John Osborne, was born on November 16, 1874.

Seven more children joined the Strahan household over the subsequent years—Margaret Ann (1876 - 1928), Elizabeth Maria (1878 - 1882), Isabel Jane (1880 - 1956), Elizabeth (1883 - ?), Duncan James (1886 - 1977), Joseph Timothy (1888 - 1930), and Stephen Francis “Frank” (1890 - 1977). At the time of the 1901 census, Duncan, age 53, was employed as a “deck hand” on a local vessel. Also in the Strahan household were Duncan’s wife Maria, age 47, and their four youngest children—Lizzie M., age 17; Duncan J., age 14; Joseph T., age 12, and Stephen F., age 10.

The couple’s three oldest surviving children—John Osborne, Margaret Ann and Isabel Jane—had left home by that time. According to a family source, John Osborne was in the United States by the early 1900s, working aboard the Gloucester fishing schooners. His name does not appear in the 1901 or 1911 Nova Scotia census records. His younger brother, Duncan, later joined him and the pair operated their own schooner until the vessel was lost in a fire.

Sometime after 1911, John Osborne returned to Mulgrave, where he worked in the local fishery. On December 20, 1915, he enlisted with the 106th Battalion (Nova Scotia Rifles) at Antigonish, NS. While his attestation document does not include a birth year, it states that John was 39 years old. Genealogical documents suggest that he was likely two years older than his stated age at the time.

Headquartered in Truro, NS, the 106th Battalion trained in Nova Scotia throughout the winter of 1915-16 and departed for the United Kingdom on July 15, 1916. In the aftermath of significant Canadian casualties incurred at the Somme during the month of September 1916, many of the units encamped in England were disbanded and their members dispersed to battalions already in France..

The 106th was one of the units to suffer this fate. On September 27, 1916, John was transferred to the 26th Battalion (New Brunswick) and crossed the English Channel to France the following day. He joined his new comrades in the forward area on October 15 and served with the New Brunswickers in the sectors near Arras, France, throughout the winter of 1916 -17.

The 26th Battalion participated in the Canadian Corps’ historic April 9, 1917 attack on Vimy Ridge. During the fighting, John was “[struck] by a piece of shrapnel which entered the skin of the right side of [the] muscle of [his] upper [right] arm. [The] piece of shrapnel [is] thought to have been removed after receiving the wound.”

The following day, John was admitted to No. 2 Stationary Hospital, Boulogne, where he remained for four days before being invalided to the United Kingdom. He spent three months as a patient in Merry Flatts War Hospital, Govan, Glasgow, Scotland. On July 21, John was transferred to the Canadian Convalescent Hospital, Bromley, Kent, England, where he remained for two months.

On September 21, John was assigned to the 13th Reserve Battalion. After returning to duty, he began to experience soreness in his leg muscles. Diagnosed with rheumatism in January 1918, he remained in the United Kingdom for the duration of the war. A second medical examination, conducted in mid-November 1918, determined that John was suffering from “myalgia” caused by “exposure to wet and cold” during his time in the trenches.

In early December 1918, John departed for Nova Scotia aboard SS Olympic. Following a final series of examinations, he was discharged from military service as “medically unfit” on January 17, 1919, and returned home to Mulgrave.

John’s younger brother, Duncan James, returned to the Halifax area following his time in the United States. On November 14, 1911, he married Nellie H. Mills, a native of Halifax, in a ceremony held there. Duncan was employed with the “Dining Car Service ICR [Intercolonial Railroad]” at the time of his marriage.

Duncan also served overseas during the First World War. On November 4, 1915, he enlisted with No. 7 Stationary Hospital (Dalhousie Unit) at Halifax, and served with the unit in France from June 1916 to March 1919, returning home the following month. Duncan passed away in New Brunswick in 1947.

On June 16, 1919, John Osborne Strachan married Clara McMillan, daughter of James and Catherine McMillan, Mulgrave. Jim and Nora, their first-born, arrived the following spring. In subsequent years, five more children joined the household—Duncan J. (1922 - 1988); Walter Alphonse (1924 - 1940); twins Mary (Sr. Mary Strachan, CND, 1926 - 2012) and John Coleman “Buddy” (1926 - 2006);  and Claire Louise (1928 - ).

Throughout Jim’s early years, his younger brother Duncan was a constant companion. The siblings shared a love of sports. Jim attended school in Mulgrave from 1927 to 1938, leaving after completing Grade X. Following a year of unemployment, he was hired for “extra section work” with Canadian National Railways in 1939. Two years later, he landed a position as “car man.” During that time, Jim was “called for [compulsory] military training,” a month-long program for young men of military service age implemented under the National Resources Mobilization Act (1940).

Jim Strachan in civilian life

On July 14, 1941, Jim completed an application to the Royal Canadian Air Force. In his submission, he requested “ground duties” and expressed a particular interest in developing “welder acetylene” skills. A later Employment History form also mentioned “welding work” as a possible career after his time in uniform.

Jim attested with the RCAF at Halifax on August 13, and commenced service with the rank of Aircraftman Class 2. Initially, he was assigned to the “SGD” (Security Guard)  stream. A comment in his file noted that he “wanted aircrew… but did not want to wait for it.” Jim commenced training at KTS (Composite Training School) Trenton, ON, in late August, before moving on to No. 5 Bomber & Gunnery School, Dafoe, MB, on September 21. Promoted to the rank of Aircraftman Class 1 on November 13, he was briefly hospitalized for treatment of an unspecified illness at month’s end.

Jim advanced to the rank of Leading Aircraftman on February 13, 1942, and received a two-week leave before returning to duty. At some point during the following months, his military path took a different direction. On June 12, Jim reported to No. 2 Service Flying Training School, Saskatoon, SK. The following day, he applied to “re-muster” as an “Air Gunner.” Supervisors made several complimentary remarks on his application: “Satisfactory type. Keen to fly. Fairly alert…. Polite, mannerly, pleasant, neat appearance. Fit [for] full aircrew.”

On July 20, Jim received his certification as a Security Guard. That same day, he reported to No. 5 Bombing & Gunnery School, Dafoe, MB, where he logged 15.5 hours of daytime flying in a Fairey Battle aircraft while training in a Bristol turret. Described by an instructor as the “quiet, persistent type… who should do very well in aircrew,” Jim placed 18th in a class of 27 cadets.

Jim was promoted to the rank of Temporary Sergeant and awarded his Air Gunner’s badge on October 9. The following day, he commenced the standard two-week pre-embarkation leave. Jim departed for overseas on October 28 and disembarked in the United Kingdom one week later. After reporting to the RCAF Personnel Reception Center, Bournemouth, on November 6, he awaited orders to commence the final stage of training.

On December 8, Jim was assigned to No. 82 Operational Training Unit. OTUs provided new personnel with the first opportunity to train in actual combat aircraft. Air crews were also assembled at this stage, allowing the men to become acquainted and learn to work as a team. Formed at RAF Ossington in June 1943, No. 82 OTU trained night bombing crews aboard Vickers Wellington aircraft.

During his time with No. 82 OTU, Jim sent several letters to people at home. A December 28, 1942, letter to a female acquaintance named “Dot” described his first Christmas overseas:

“I went to Bournemouth in the south of England. It is very nice there. Some of my pals were there so I spent Christmas with them rather than go to London[,] where I know nobody and everything is strange and I would be lost I am afraid. Anyway[,] I had a good time and had turkey for dinner. Not so bad hey.

“Canadians are very popular here[,] especially with the girls. They are very nice and friendly but are much too serious. Their [sic] in love with you before you know it, but I don’t think I’ll be saying ‘I do’ for awhile, ha!”

Winter weather in the UK was quite different from his native Nova Scotia: “…it is very damp and cold here and… at the present time has been quite cold at night with ground and puddles frozen in the morning. It reminds me of the fall of year at home.”

On January 10, 1943, Jim wrote to his parents, describing a recent visit to London:

“I spent some time at the Beaver Club[,] which is a swell place. You can get some good feeds [sic] there and they cook them like they do in Canada…. The club… is down near the Parliament buildings and is just opposite Trafalgar Square. Pop [John] I bet knows where that is. Westminster Abbey is about five minutes walk away from there. It’s a very large city and the buildings are all old and ancient[,] although there are many modern buildings. It is so big a city that it would take three days to see everything about the city. I wouldn’t want to live there.”

Jim also mentioned visits to Derby and Nottingham in the Midlands. The latter was of particular interest, as it had an “ice rink” that “much to my disappointment… [was] not open.”  Throughout his correspondence, Jim frequently commented on winter sports, particularly hockey, an activity that he dearly missed. He also inquired about local sports results and was delighted when Dot sent him several collections of “hockey clippings” from local newspapers.

On April 9, 1943, Jim was promoted to the rank of Temporary Flight Sergeant. Five days earlier, he once again wrote to John and Clara, describing the early arrival of spring overseas:

“It is very nice here and everything is beginning to blossom. Even potatoes are coming up already. It would be good weather for trout fishing if I was home. Mom, that’s what I often think about as I walk along the road on fine days.”

A second letter, written on April 28, describes Jim’s memories of springtime in Mulgrave:

“Has the ice gone out yet, Mom? The lobster fishery will be soon starting and it makes me think of when I would wake up in the morning and you could hear all the motor boats in the Strait. How I used to like that sound.”

In mid-May, Jim’s crew was assigned to No. 1662 Heavy Conversion Unit (HCU), where airmen made the transition to four-engine aircraft. Established in January 1943, 1662 HCU operated out of RAF Blyton, providing training aboard four-engine Avro Lancaster and Handley Page Halifax bombers.

Jim spent one month training aboard 1662 HCU’s aircraft  before his crew was assigned for duty with No. 12 Squadron on June 17. Initially formed as a Royal Flying Corps fighter squadron in February 1915, the unit re-formed as a bomber squadron at RAF Northolt, West London, on April 1 1923. Following the May 12, 1940 German invasion of France, Belgium and the Netherlands, its personnel moved to France, where they flew Fairey Battle aircraft in bombing raids against invading German forces.

The squadron returned to RAF Binbrook, Lincolnshire, in June 1940, as German forces overran the Low Countries and forced French forces to surrender. Before year’s end, personnel transitioned to Vickers Wellington bombers. After relocating to RAF Wickensby in 1942, No. 12 Squadron commenced flying four-engine Avro Lancaster aircraft.

After a one-week leave in late June 1943, Jim’s crew was attached to No. 1656 HCU, RAF Lindholme, for additional training. It was common for crews to fly combat missions at HCUs, so the young airmen may have seen action during their time aboard No. 1656’s Lancaster bombers. Unfortunately, details of the crew’s service at 1656 HCU are not available online.

During his time at Lindholme, Jim and his mates received one week’s leave at the end of each summer month. As the only Canadian on a crew with six Royal Air Force recruits, Jim couldn’t visit family during these breaks. In response, one of his mates, William G. “Bill” Adamson, took Jim to his parents’ home at Hazlerigg, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

In an August 18 letter home, Jim asked his parents to pick up a Royal Canadian Air Force crest for Bill, who “would like to have one.” He also mentions Bill’s parents,  who “have been so good to me that I would like to give them something in return.” Bill suggested a pipe for Mr. Adamson, “as he smokes a lot,” and stockings for his wife, as “she tells me they have a hard time getting them.” Unbeknownst to Jim and his parents, the relationship that he established with the Adamsons later became an important channel of information for John and Clara.

During the month of August 1943, Jim flew several missions as rear gunner with No. 12 Squadron crews. On the night of August 2/3, he departed on a bombing mission to Hamburg, Germany. “Static conditions and icing” forced the crew to jettison their bombs “to regain control as A/C [aircraft] got into a dive.” The Lancaster, piloted by Flight Sergeant H. A. Adams, managed to safely return to base.

One week later, Jim departed on a mission to Mannheim, Germany, with another crew. The pilot, Flight Sergeant F. S. Smitheringale, described the assignment as “an uneventful trip and a good attack.” On the night of August 15/16, Jim was once again in the rear gunner’s seat as the Smitheringale crew completed a bombing mission to Milan, Italy.

After a week’s leave in late August, Jim returned to duty on September 3. Two days previously, his crew’s pilot, Flight Sergeant R. A. Collins, reported for duty with No. 22 Squadron. Partly due to weather conditions, the squadron did not fly any missions until September 21. During that time, its personnel participated in a variety of training activities. While the Squadron’s “Summary of Operations” record indicates that the unit completed five bombing raids before month’s end, none included Collins in the list of participating pilots.

The names of Jim’s crew—pilot Sgt. Ronald Alfred Collins, navigator Sgt. William G. “Bill” Adamson, wireless operator Sgt. Peter Maurice Adams, bomb aimer Sgt. D. J. Bemrose, flight engineer Sgt. Samuel Black Watson, mid/upper gunner Sgt. Ernest Mallin, and rear gunner James Anthony Strachan—first appear in No. 12 Squadron’s operations log on the night of October 1/2, 1943. At 18:33 hours, the crew departed for Hagen, Germany, aboard a Lancaster aircraft, as part of a 16-plane bombing mission.

In a brief report following the mission, Sgt. Collins described “a nice glow under the cloud and a big… blue flash at 21:04 hours. Cloud obscured [the] target[,] making observation impossible.” All aircraft returned safely to base, Jim’s aircraft landing at 00:44 hours October 2. Collins’ brief remarks make no reference to what was actually a harrowing experience for the young crew.

In a letter to his brother Duncan, dated October 6, 1943, Jim described his recent flying experience:

“I have been busy this last week…. Bomber Command has been very busy operating and in the last week I have operated four times. And tonight I was on opps [sic - operations] again but it was scrubbed about six o’clock this evening much to everyone’s delight.

“I went to the Ruhr twice[,] going to Bochum and Hagen besides going to Kassel [and] Frankfurt. We had a shaky time at Hagen in the Ruhr. As you know[,] the Ruhr is the hottest place in Germany. Well[,] at Hagen we got a taste of their flak. We got shot up by flak making holes in the wing of the kite (plane) and hitting the mid-upper turret[,] going through the Persplex [transparent, thermoplastic polymer similar to plexiglas] and smashing one of the guns.

“A close shave for us. I never saw so much flak in my life. It was coming up everywhere for miles and… the only way out was [to] fly through the stuff. There was a lot of cloud below us and that kept the search lights from getting at us. And there was [sic] hundreds of them. But the cloud didn’t keep the flak from coming up at us. The other trips were quite good and we didn’t have any trouble. Saw a few poor fellows getting shot down in flames over the target but you see that on every target.”

Jim also provided Duncan with a brief overview of the crew’s strenuous schedule:

“These trips are all about six hours and after one of these one is about all done in. We get back late and it’s two or three in the morning before getting to bed and we sleep until noon the next day. When we are operating[,] we don’t get much time to write.”

The correspondence with Duncan conveys a real sense of the dangers that Jim and his mates faced on every mission. Perhaps there was a sense of anticipation on Jim’s part as to what was about to transpire in the skies over Germany.

On the night of October 7/8, Jim’s crew logged its second mission of the month, participating in a 19-aircraft raid on Stuttgart, Germany. The Lancaster bomber departed at 20:40 hours and reached its target at 00:15 hours. Sgt. Collins described “[scattered] fires… in two main concentrations. Route good but attack appeared scattered.” The crew landed safely at 04:04 hours October 8. Once again, all squadron aircraft safely returned to base.

The following night—October 8/9, 1943—Jim’s crew was back in the air on the way to Hanover, Germany, as part of a 16-plane mission. On this occasion, two bombers failed to return to the squadron’s base, while a third was badly damaged by flak and suffered the loss of one of its gunners.

Sgt. Collins’ aircraft was one of the two missing aircraft. For several months, there was no word as to Jim’s fate. On April 25, 1944, RCAF officials informed his father John that Air Gunner James Anthony Osborne Strachan, “previously reported missing 9 - Oct - 43 after air operations… (over Hanover, Germany) and subsequently ‘missing believed killed,’ [was] now ‘presumed dead’ 9 - Oct - 43 for official purposes.”

After the end of hostilities in Europe in early May 1945, the fate of missing RAF air crews became a major priority. In some cases, crew members had managed to exit the aircraft, only to be captured by German forces. That was the fate of Sgt. Peter Bemrose, one of Jim’s crew mates. Released from a prisoner of war camp shortly after Germany’s surrender, Sgt. Bemrose wrote to James and Henrietta Adamson, Bill’s parents, describing the events that unfolded in the skies over Hanover, Germany.

On May 25, 1945, Henrietta Adamson wrote to Clara, conveying her feelings before sharing the information she had received from Sgt. Bemrose:

“My thoughts have been with you all, since the finish of the Germans. I thank God for the victory, but it is with mixed feelings. I felt very sad indeed. If our dear boys had only been spared, to rejoice too, it would have put a great joy into our hearts. It was a great shock to me yesterday when I received a letter from Peter Bemrose, and he said our boys hadn’t a chance….

“Bemrose in his letter said, ‘The story of our last operation is short and simple. We went all the way, to Hanover, without incident, bombed successfully at 20,000 feet, and climbed off the target. We had run the short south-westerly leg and set course for base at 22,000 feet, when the aircraft was hit by cannon shells [from a German aircraft]. After diving sharply, the pilot pulled her out, but we were hit again and the starboard [engine] caught fire. After I left the aircraft[,] I saw the aircraft descend in flames, and burn on the ground, and when I landed it couldn’t have been more than 200 yards away. The boys didn’t have a chance.

“ ‘When Ron said, ‘You’d better get out boys,’ the kite [aircraft] was nose down, and the wind was beginning to scream, so I knew we were in a pretty steep dive. I had my chute pack on and my hand on the emergency exit catch, and even then the terrific dive seemed to freeze me when I tried to abandon. What it was like in a less favourable position I hate to imagine, but it is possible some of the boys were spared those last moments of anguish.’

“…Well dear I hope that God will give us all the strength, to bear our Cross, as it feels very heavy now.”

Following the cessation of hostilities, the RAF dispatched numerous investigation teams to the continent, in search of its missing airmen. On March 4 1946, John received a letter from a Royal Canadian Air Force Casualty Officer, providing him with an update on the search for Jim:

“A report has now been received from a Graves Registration Unit on the Continent, which gives information contained in captured German documents concerning the place of burial of yours, Flight Sergeant James Anthony Osborne Strachan.

“According to this report, your son is buried in grave no. K. G. F. A.14, along with Sergeant [Ernest] Mallin, a Royal Air Force member of your son’s crew, in the Military Cemetery at Hamelin, Germany…. Already eminent architects are at work, planning the construction of beautiful cemeteries, and each individual grave will be supported and sustained by the nations of the Empire.”

On August 8, 1947, Flight Sergeant James Anthony Osborne Strachan’s remains and those of his crew mates were re-interred in Limmer British Cemetery, Hanover, Germany.

Special thanks to Rhonda Strachan, Mulgrave, and Wendy Callahan, Halifax, for contributing photos of their uncle Jim Strachan. Wendy also provided copies of Jim's letters home. Thanks as well to Dan Fougere, Havre Boucher, for providing valuable genealogical information on the Strachan family.

Sergeant William Ira Giffin—Died of Illness October 6, 1943

 William Ira Giffin was born in Halifax, NS, on February 8, 1916, the second child and eldest son of Edgar Ethelbert and Maud Isabel (Weatherdon) Giffin. Edgar was the son of Captain Ira P. Giffin, Isaac’s Harbour, and his wife, Abigail Coumans Pride, was a native of Port Medway, NS. Edgar’s grandfather, Simon Giffin, was born in Shelburne, NS, in 1794 and later settled at Isaac’s Harbour. Simon and his wife Thursa Langley raised a family of 13 children—eight sons and five daughters—leaving numerous descendants in the Isaac’s Harbour area.

Sergeant William Ira Giffin

Edgar Giffin spent his formative years in the small Guysborough community before heading to the United States in his early 20s. At the time of the 1900 US census, he was living in Somerville, MA, with Fred Barnaby, and his wife Althea, a sister to his mother. The document states that Edgar had arrived in the US the previous year and was employed as a carpenter at the time.

At some point during the following decade, Edgar returned to Nova Scotia. Canadian militia records indicate that he served for 12 days with the 63rd Regiment, Halifax Rifles, during 1907. On May 8, 1909, Edgar married Maud Isabel Weatherdon, daughter of William and Annie (Snow) Weatherdon, in a Baptist ceremony that took place in Halifax. Born in St. Johns, Newfoundland and Labrador, Maud had arrived in Nova Scotia with her parents in 1895.

Following his marriage, its appears that Edgar returned to the United States—perhaps periodically—for employment. The 1913 city directory for Worcester, MA, lists Edgar as a carpenter, living at 92 Piedmont St. His brother, Otho L., also resided in the city. Later that year, Edgar and Maud’s first child, Nina Edna, was born in Halifax on December 5, 1913.

From that year forward, it appears that Edgar did not return to the US for several years. By 1921, the Giffin’s Halifax household consisted of Nina Edna, age seven, William Ira, age five,  Fred Cyril, age one year, and Myrtle Marguerite, age one month. A fifth child, Bernard Edgar “Bert,” arrived in early 1923. Later that year, Edgar Sr. returned to the United States for the first time since 1913, crossing the border on June 19.

US immigration records indicate that Edgar was once again destined for Worcester, MA, where his younger brother Otho still resided and he planned to work as a carpenter. Six weeks later, Maud and her five children crossed the border on their way to Worcester. The family, it seemed, had decided to relocate to Massachusetts.

Before years’ end, unexpected tragedy struck the household. On December 31, 1923, Edgar passed away at Worcester, the result of broncho-pneumonia. Maud was pregnant with the couple’s sixth child at the time of her husband’s death. She gave birth to her fourth son, Otho Lebaron, on May 7, 1924. Maud and her children eventually returned to Halifax, where she married James Leavey Day, a native of Jeddore, Halifax County, on September 22, 1927.

Seven years old at the time of his father’s sudden passing, William Ira Giffin spent the remainder of his childhood years in Halifax. His military service file mentions civilian employment as a “clerk” and “salesman” for Coca-Cola Ltd. Like his father, William volunteered for militia service, joining the ranks of the Halifax Rifles on October 23, 1931. The experience may have piqued William’s interest in a military career. On November 4, 1935, he enlisted with the Royal Canadian Regiment (RCR) at Halifax. William listed his mother, Mrs. J. L. (Maud) Day, 46  Gottingen St., as his next of kin.

Following the First World war, the Royal Canadian Regiment became one of five military units that constituted Canada’s “permanent force establishment.” The unit maintained several detachments in various locations across Canada, one of which was Wellington Barracks, Halifax.

On the third anniversary of his enlistment—November 4, 1938—William “re-engaged” with the RCR. Within a year, events in Europe significantly impacted the course of his military career. Britain’s September 3, 1939 declaration of war on Nazi Germany prompted William to re-attest for active service with the RCR three days later. After the Canadian government’s September 10 declaration of war, the unit relocated to Camp Valcartier, QC, in preparation for its overseas departure. While encamped there, William was promoted to the rank of Lance Corporal on November 15, 1939.

One month after William’s promotion, the RCR departed for the United Kingdom. On December 30, 1939, William and his companions disembarked at Gourock, Scotland, and made their way by train to Camp Aldershot shortly afterward. Three days after arriving in the UK, William was promoted to the rank of Acting Corporal with pay.

As there was no active combat at the time of the RCR’s overseas arrival, personnel focused on training throughout the early months of 1940. The situation on the continent changed dramatically on May 10, 1940, when German forces launched an invasion of the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and France. While British, Dutch, Belgian and French units valiantly resisted, German forces advanced rapidly through the “Low Countries,” resulting in the surrender of Dutch and Belgian forces before month’s end.

While British and French soldiers trapped in Belgium and northern France were hastily evacuated from Dunkirk in late May and June, German forces continued their advance toward the Channel ports and the French capital of Paris. French resistance prompted the British to order the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade, stationed in southern England, across the English Channel in support of their efforts.

On June 13, 1940, the first wave of Canadian soldiers—an “advance guard”—landed in Brest, France. That same day, the Royal Canadian Regiment departed Plymouth, UK and disembarked in Brest on June 14. While advance units moved inland by train toward Le Mans, French resistance to the north crumbled as German units rapidly advanced southward. When German troops entered Paris on June 17, the French government requested an armistice.

In response, British authorities ordered the Canadian 1st Infantry Brigade’s immediate withdrawal. Two days before the French armistice request, the RCR’s soldiers boarded vessels at Brest, and disembarked at Plymouth, UK, as German soldiers entered the French capital. While the Brigade left behind most of its vehicles, its artillery units managed to evacuate their guns, despite a general order from authorities to abandon all equipment.

The RCR’s return to Aldershot marked the beginning of a lengthy period of training and home defence assignments. British authorities were well aware of the possibility of a German invasion and Canadian units would prove valuable if such an event occurred. In the meantime, in early July 1940, German forces commenced the “Battle of Britain,” an aerial bombardment campaign that lasted almost four months.

While the German Luftwaffe initially focused on shipping convoys and coastal radar installations, its attention shifted to airfields and radar stations in mid-August. Before month’s end, attacks expanded to include bombing raids on towns and cities across England’s south coast, Midlands and northeast regions. Air raids continued until the end of October, when Germany reluctantly admitted its failure to establish air superiority over Britain and ended the Luftwaffe’s attacks.

Over the ensuing months, William continued his advance through the non-commissioned ranks. On May 1, 1941, he was promoted to Acting Lance Sergeant. During the summer of 1941, he completed a mortar training course. On November 1, William advanced to the rank of Acting Sergeant. Later that month, he completed a second mortar training course.

On February 2, 1942, William was confirmed in the rank of Sergeant. Later that month, he was attached to the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade’s No. 1 LAD [Light Aid Detachment] for a “camouflage course.” Over the next three months, he received nine-day and seven-day leaves before settling in for another summer of training.

William’s training was interrupted on August 10, 1942, when he was admitted to No. 4 Field Ambulance for unspecified reasons and immediately transferred to No. 5 Casualty Clearing Station. Four days later, he was admitted to No. 14 General Hospital, where he remained for six weeks. In late September, William was assigned to No. 1 NETD [Non-Effective Transit Depot]. Throughout this time, he remained in hospital with a classification of Category “E”—unfit for service, awaiting discharge. His service file contains no explanation for his overseas hospitalization

On October 2, 1942, William departed for Canada and was admitted to hospital at Halifax upon arriving home. A Medical Board evaluation, dated December 7, 1942, officially placed him in Category “E” and noted that “accordingly [he] is under consideration for discharge.” William was officially released from military service on January 12, 1943. A comment on his discharge papers described his character as “exemplary.”

William remained under medical care throughout the months following his discharge. On a date not specified in his service file, he was transferred to Christie St., Hospital, Toronto, ON, where he passed away on October 6, 1943. Only after William’s death did his service file identify the nature of his illness.

Documents describe the cause of death as “myocarditis [inflammation of the heart muscle], degenerative with failure. Infarction [blockage in blood flow to the heart muscle]. Death was due to service.” Sergeant William Ira Giffin’s remains were transported to Nova Scotia, where he was laid to rest in Camp Hill Cemetery, Halifax.

William was survived by his mother, maternal grandmother, and all five of his siblings. At the time of his death, Nina Edna (Mrs. Arthur Hatt) was living in Beech Hill, Lunenburg County, while Myrtle Marguerite (Mrs. Harold Jackson) resided in Spryfield and Frederick Cyril “Fred” was living on Creighton St., Halifax. William’s two remaining brothers were both in uniform—Otho LeBaron was stationed at Camp Debert, while Bernard Edgar “Bert” was serving overseas with the Canadian Army.

William’s mother Maud passed away at Halifax on January 22, 1952, at age 62, the result of heart disease. His maternal grandmother, Annie Weatherdon, died at Beech Hill, Lunenburg County, on June 17, 1957, at 93 years of age. Both Maud and Annie were interred in Camp Hill Cemetery, Halifax.