Robert Doyle Cluney was born in Half Island Cove, Guysborough County, on September 22, 1923. His parents, James Burton Cluney and Ethel Munro, were both Guysborough natives. Ethel was born in Half Island Cove in June 1904, the daughter of Joseph Munro, Whitehead, and Mary Hendsbee. James Burton was born in Indian Harbour, Guysborough County, on November 22, 1876, the son of Thomas Cluney and Sarah Catherine “Kate” Bennett.
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Acting Corporal Robert Doyle Cluney
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Robert traced his Cluney roots to Thomas Cluney, born in Waterford, Ireland, in 1812. A farmer by occupation, Thomas married Mary Bridget McCoy, also a native of Waterford. The couple immigrated to Nova Scotia, where they settled in Indian Harbour, Guysborough County, and raised a family of 12 children.
Thomas Cluney Jr., one of Thomas and Mary’s sons, was born in Indian Harbour on June 3, 1849, and married Sarah Catherine “Kate” Bennett, daughter of James and Elizabeth (Suyden) Bennett, in a ceremony held in Sherbrooke on October 28, 1875. At the time of the 1881 Canadian census, two young sons, James Burton, age four, and Angus, age two (DOB January 24, 1879), were living in the Cluney household, along with their grandfather Thomas Cluney Sr., age 69.
Over the next two decades, six more sons joined the Cluney family—William T. (DOB March 4, 1882), Edward (DOB c. 1884), Robert (DOB July 1, 1890), Archibald (DOB December 28, 1892), Charles (DOB June 1, 1894), and Henry (DOB December 1900). While James Burton was still living at home at the time of the 1901 census, he was no longer residing there 10 years later. His exact whereabouts at that time are unknown.
On May 15, 1915, James Burton Cluney married Mary C. (Johnson) Lawson, a 30-year-old widow and daughter of Thomas and Priscilla Johnson, Country Harbour, in a ceremony held in Sherbrooke. At the time of his marriage, James, a farmer by occupation, was living in Indian Harbour, where the couple established residence. Two children soon joined the household—a daughter Janet, date of birth unknown, and a son, Burton Thomas, born in late 1916.
While married with two young children, James was soon caught up in the “war fever” sweeping across the province during the months following his marriage. On January 10, 1917, he enlisted with the 246th Battalion at Halifax, NS. At the time, he gave his occupation as “lumberman” and listed his wife Mary as next of kin.
Perhaps not surprisingly under the circumstances, James gave his year of birth as 1888, making himself 12 years younger. Had authorities known that he was 40 years old at the time, it is doubtful that he would have been accepted into an infantry unit.
Within weeks of James’ enlistment, tragedy struck the Cluney family. On February 17, 1917, his wife Mary died of tuberculosis in Sherbrooke. James arranged for H. Roy Cameron, Sherbrooke, to assume guardianship of his two children, entitling Mr. Cameron to the separation allowance which James’ deceased wife would have received while he served overseas.
On May 23, 1917, James was transferred to the Nova Scotia Forestry Depot. He departed from Halifax aboard SS Justicia in late June and arrived in the United Kingdom on July 4, 1917. James was immediately posted to the Canadian Forestry Corps’ Base Depot at Sunningdale and was assigned to No. 59 Company, CFC, on July 28. Two days later, he crossed the English Channel to France with his new unit.
No. 59 Company was attached to No. 12 District, CFC, known as the Bordeaux Group. The District, also a new entity, was given the task of harvesting mature pine from the “Landes forest.” Its initial headquarters were located in Bordeaux, the prefecture (administrative capital) of Gironde. The first CFC units arrived in the area in July 1917 and mill production commenced before month’s end.
On August 4, the CFC’s No. 59 and 60 Companies arrived at Belin-Béliet, Gironde, approximately 60 kilometres south of Bordeaux, and immediately set about establishing a lumber harvesting and processing operation in the nearby forests. No. 59’s mill commenced operation on September 20, processing logs harvested by its crews since their arrival. In mid-February 1919, the Company relocated to Parentis-en-Born, Landes, close to the Bay of Biscay, where it established a new camp and began harvesting the nearby forests.
For more than a year, James served in France without incident. Toward the end of August 1918, he contracted typhoid fever and became “seriously ill.” On September 5, 1918, James was admitted to hospital at Facture, where medical staff determined that he was suffering from “nephritis” (inflammation of kidney tissue). By late November, he had recovered sufficiently to be invalided to England, where he was admitted to No. 4 Canadian General Hospital, Basingstoke.
A thorough medical examination at the time of his admission determined that James was suffering from “venous thrombosis (following typhoid fever).” Medical records state that he looked “60 years of age in appearance, [was] debilitated and thin.” His left leg was “swollen, bluish purple [in] colour. Veins of calf are cord-like, heart slightly enlarged.”
James spent three months in hospital before he was well enough to travel. On March 11, he departed for Canada aboard the hospital ship Araguaya and arrived in Halifax 11 days later. James was immediately admitted to Camp Hill Hospital. A Medical History of An Invalid form, completed in early July, stated that he was suffering from debility, numbness and swelling of the left leg, which was still enlarged and “somewhat bluish,” the veins on its inner side “cord-like.” His heart was “slightly enlarged,” with “every 25 or 30 beats missed.” Medical staff assessed James’ debility as “permanent with possible improvement.”
James was released from hospital on July 12 and discharged from military service six days later, “being no longer physically fit for war service.” He returned to his parents’ Sherbrooke home, where he found work as a labourer in a local sawmill. At the time of the 1921 Canadian census, James and his son Thomas Burton, age four, were living with his parents Thomas, age 71, and Sarah, age 63. Also in the home were James’ younger brothers Charlie, age 28, and Sydney, age 20. The fate of James’ daughter Janet is unknown.
On February 1, 1922, James married Ethel Munro, daughter of Joseph and Mary (Hendsbee) Munro, Half Island Cove, in a ceremony that took place in Sherbrooke. The couple established residence in Half Island Cove, where they raised a family of four children—sons Robert Doyle (DOB September 22, 1923) and Murray Forrester (YOB c. 1924), and daughters Hattie Mae (YOB c. 1922) and Winnifred Gertrude “Winnie” (YOB c. 1925).
While the decade following James and Ethel’s marriage passed without incident, two successive tragedies in the mid-1930s led to the Cluney family’s dissolution. On May 11, 1934, James Burton Cluney died at Sherbrooke, the result of cerebral thrombosis. Canadian military authorities attributed the cause of death to his overseas military service. James was laid to rest in St. James Anglican Cemetery, Sherbrooke. A little more than a year later, his widow Ethel passed away on June 1, 1935, after a two-year battle with tuberculosis.
Following their parents’ deaths, the Cluney children remained in Half Island Cove, where their maternal grandmother, Mary Munro, cared for them. Robert left school after completing Grade VI, and worked for several years for R. Hendsbee, who operated a fish farm at Half Island Cove. By October 1941, he was living on Argyle St., Halifax, where he was employed as a shipper’s assistant with Monstad and Company, Barrington St. His job apparently took him to the nearby waterfront, as his military service file contains a National Harbours Board general pass for the Port of Halifax.
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Robert Doyle Cluney's National Harbours Board Pass
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On April 23, 1942, Robert enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF) at New Glasgow, NS. He listed his sister, Hattie Cluney, Half Island Cove, as his next of kin, and was initially “allocated to [the] Cape Breton Highlanders.” The following month, he completed his basic training in New Glasgow and was assigned to No. 6 Depot, Halifax, in late May 1942.
Robert spent several months in Halifax before departing for No. 22 Canadian Army Engineer Basic Training Centre, North Bay, ON, on August 26, 1942. During his time there, he was hospitalized with influenza from October 31 to November 9. After completing the training program, Robert was once again allocated to the Cape Breton Highlanders and reported to No. 14 Advanced Infantry (Reserve) Training Centre, Aldershot, NS, on December 18.
Following an additional three months of infantry training, Robert embarked for overseas on March 28, 1943, and disembarked in the United Kingdom six days later. Shortly afterward, he was transferred to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), where he awaited assignment to an active battalion. On May 19, Robert was promoted to the rank of Acting Lance Corporal with pay, an indication that he had demonstrated leadership potential during his time in uniform.
On June 2, Robert reported to No. 1 Canadian Base Reinforcement Depot, where he was placed on the West Nova Scotia Regiment’s reinforcement list. Ten days later, he was promoted to the rank of Acting Corporal with pay. At month’s end, Robert was assigned to the Canadian Army’s Mediterranean Force and prepared to depart for the region with his new comrades.
Established when the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments amalgamated in 1936, the West Nova Scotia Regiment mobilized on September 1, 1939, and recruited its initial personnel from the Halifax, South Shore and Annapolis Valley regions. The West Novas departed for overseas in late December 1939 and spent three and half years in the United Kingdom before heading to the Mediterranean theatre in late June 1943 as part of the 1st Canadian Division.
For some time, Britain’s American and Russian allies had pressured Prime Minister Winston Churchill to open a second front in continental Europe. While a full-scale invasion of German-occupied France was beyond the Allies’ means in 1943, Churchill agreed to support an assault on what he described as the “soft underbelly of Europe”—the Italian peninsula, where the Allies’ military leaders believed there was a greater chance of success.
The plan involved an initial invasion of the island of Sicily, followed by an assault on the Italian mainland. The landing was scheduled for early July, and involved a combination of British, American and Canadian forces, under the command of American General Dwight D. Eisenhower.
The West Nova Regiment was assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Brigade and was part of the Allied force that landed on the shores of Sicily on July 10, 1943. After liberating the island, Canadian units crossed the Straits of Messina to the southern tip of the Italian mainland on September 3, 1943. As a reinforcement, Robert was not involved in the initial combat. He disembarked in Sicily on July 11 and reverted to the rank of Private on August 29, in order to hasten a transfer to active duty.
While Italian forces officially surrendered to the invading Allied force on September 8, Germany refused to cede its former Italian ally’s territory without a fight. Following the Italian surrender, its forces established a defensive line that stretched from Naples to the Gulf of Manfredonia. Well-equipped veteran German units were relocated to the Italian theatre to bolster the forces already there.
On September 9, the main Allied force came ashore at Salerno, southeast of Naples, and attempted to push inland across the Italian peninsula. Meanwhile, the Canadian units to the south slowly made their way northward across mountainous terrain similar to the Cape Breton Highlands.
Italy’s geography favoured the defenders. Its topography consists of a narrow peninsula with a central range of rugged mountains running parallel to its coastlines. A series of rivers lead in both directions to the ocean, creating a series of natural obstacles for an invading force.
On September 27, Private Robert Cluney was officially transferred to the West Nova Scotia Regiment’s active ranks. The following day, he arrived at Potenza with a group four officers and 92 “other ranks,” the first reinforcements to join the unit since it landed on the Italian mainland. Shortly after Robert’s arrival, the West Novas moved out toward the town of Campobasso, the next target in the 1st Canadian Division’s northward advance.
The 3rd Brigade’s October 3 attack on Campobasso provided Robert with his first combat experience. The Nova Scotians secured a strategic area to the southeast of the town, but suffered 17 fatalities and 52 wounded during the attack. The fiercest fighting occurred in wet weather, along steep slopes covered with soggy earth. The conditions were typical of what the soldiers encountered in the ensuing weeks.
The 1st Canadian Division secured Campobasso on October 13 and remained in the area for one month. During that time, personnel received several days’ leave on a rotating basis. The men frequented several movie halls and recreation rooms established in the town for their entertainment.
In mid-November, the 3rd Brigade returned to the line, its next assignment to capture the town of Castel di Sangro, specifically a large stone monastery overlooking the Sangro River. The location, which the Canadians named “the Castle,” provided an excellent view of the surrounding terrain and was therefore strategically valuable.
On November 23, German forces successfully repelled a West Nova attempt to secure the heights. The following day, supporting artillery units shelled the area prior to a second assault. Two West Nova Companies, supported by a platoon of Saskatoon Light Infantry Vickers machine guns, attacked a second time and succeeded in securing the position.
The West Novas suffered 44 casualties during the Castel di Sangro operation, which took place once again in cold, damp conditions over steep, muddy terrain. Exhausted by the experience, personnel retired by motor transport to Agnone for a much appreciated three-day rest in late November.
On December 4, the 1st Division was once again on the move, making its way eastward from the elevated terrain of central Italy toward the Adriatic coast. While rainy weather and muddy conditions continued, temperatures on the coastal plain were considerably warmer than what the men had endured in the mountains.
By late November, the British 8th Army had crossed the mouth of the Sangro River, forcing German units to retreat to the Moro River, 10 miles to the north. In early December, the 1st Canadian Division replaced its British comrades in the front line and prepared to continue the Allied advance northward toward the Moro River line and the town of Ortona.
The terrain in the area was considerably different than what the Canadians had faced since landing on the Italian mainland. The coastal plain consisted of gently rolling fields, dotted with vineyards. The landscape contained numerous stone-walled farmhouses and structures, reduced to piles of rubble by artillery shelling and retreating German forces. Mountain streams carved deep ravines into the terrain as they wound their way to the Adriatic coast. The resulting landscape made tank and transport passage difficult, if not impossible, in most areas.
German defenders along the Moro River line took shelter from hostile artillery fire in large caves carved into the banks of the ravines. They were experienced soldiers, equipped with large quantities of machine guns and mortars, and supported by artillery, tanks and air power. The result was a formidable line of resistance to any Allied advance.
The 1st Division’s attack on the Moro River line commenced on December 6. That same day, the West Nova Regiment left Pollutri by motor transport and slowly made its way toward the forward area along roads clogged with vehicles. Personnel crossed the Sangro River under shell fire, but suffered no casualties. The following day, the unit relieved the British 78th Division in a section of the front line, digging in under harassing artillery and mortar fire during a steady rain.
On December 10, the West Novas received orders to cross the Moro River, pass through the Canadian Seaforth Highlanders’ line, and capture a ridge three miles beyond the Seaforth’s position. The high ground ran in an east-west direction, above fields and vineyards that the unit had to cross on its way to the objective.
A road from the inland town of Orsogna to the coastal town of Ortona ran along the ridge. The small hamlet of Berardi was located at an intersection with a highway connecting San Leonardo on the Moro to Tollo. Nearby stood a tall, square manor house known as Casa Berardi. The crossroad—the most strategic location on the ridge—was the West Novas’ primary target.
Canadian military staff assumed that German forces were concentrated around Ortona itself, anticipating an attack along the main coastal highway. The plan was for the West Novas to seize the Berardi crossroad and cross the Arielli River to Tollo, allowing Allied forces to occupy positions on the German right flank.
The maps used by Canadian forces to plan the attack provided little information about the location’s topography. Specifically, the attacking units were unaware of a gully created by a small stream at the bottom of the ridge. The feature was deep enough to shelter defending forces from artillery fire, and wide enough for German tanks and self-propelled guns to drive up and down its length, firing at will at any advancing force. The depression also allowed large numbers of soldiers to gather out of sight of Allied units, in preparation for a counter-attack.
Prior to the West Novas’ advance, German forces had repelled a previous attempt by the 1st Canadian Division’s 2nd Brigade to seize the ridge. The West Novas moved out around midnight on the night of December 10/11 and reached their assembly point south of San Leonardo at 3:00 am. Upon establishing contact with the Seaforth Highlanders and supporting artillery, the unit “stood to” in the pouring rain well into the afternoon, awaiting orders to advance.
At 6:00 pm December 11, A, C and D Companies moved forward to a position about one-half mile west of the Berardi-San Leonardo intersection. German artillery responded with scattered shelling as they crossed the fields, which offered little protection. An artillery shell wounded the signals officer and damaged the unit’s radio, cutting off communication with supporting artillery. In response, the companies waited for a second artillery observer and radio to arrive before continuing the advance in “an inky darkness.”
Personnel moved forward through muddy vineyards until approximately 10:20 pm, when they encountered fierce machine gun fire from the ridge and the top of the long gully below it. Despite repeated efforts, the men were unable to advance and casualties began to mount. As the moon rose behind the German line, the faint light exposed the West Nova soldiers to enemy positions in the gully, which was approximately 100 yards away.
Realizing that further attacks without artillery support would prove disastrous, West Nova commander Lt. Col. Pat Bogert ordered the three Companies to “stand fast” until artillery fire could be brought to bear on the gully. As dawn approached, the soldiers hastily dug in, seeking to protect themselves from the enemy. Throughout the morning of December 12, the unit held its position as heavy cannon, mortar and machine gun fire rained down on the area. In addition, German tanks moved up and down the gully’s length, firing at the West Nova line.
The lack of accurate maps and confusing nature of the landscape made it difficult for the unit to provide an exact reference for a supporting artillery strike. As a result, Lt. Col Bogert requested a “reference concentration” to allow the men on the ground to determine their location and direct fire to the German positions. Tragically, the resulting bombardment landed squarely amid two forward companies—A and C—just as the Germans unleashed an accurate artillery shelling of the area, supported by mortar and small arms fire.
The bombardment destroyed the second radio set, once again cutting off communication with supporting artillery. Regardless, the men prepared for an assault on the gully, scheduled for 11:00 am December 12. Thirty minutes beforehand, German forces launched a sudden counter-attack, swarming out of the gully under intense cover fire. While the West Novas managed to repel the attackers, some of their soldiers leaped out of their slit trenches and rushed toward the gully, only to be struck down by enemy fire.
As casualties escalated, Lt. Col. Bogert was struck in one leg by a bullet. While under treatment at a Battalion Headquarters regimental aid post, he continued to direct the fight until a replacement officer arrived at 5:00 pm and he was evacuated for treatment. By that time, the West Novas had repelled four German counter-attacks, inflicting heavy losses on the enemy. The ground between the two positions was littered with dead and wounded soldiers from both sides.
Robert was among the West Nova soldiers killed in the West Nova’s December 12, 1943 attack on the gully and subsequent exchanges of fire. It took Canadian forces another six days to dislodge German soldiers from the defensive position. In the aftermath, West Nova personnel searched the battlefield for wounded soldiers and buried their dead. Robert’s remains were initially interred in San Vito Cemetery, near Lanciano.
A Canadian Pacific telegram, dated December 26, 1943, informed Hattie that her brother, Acting Corporal Robert Doyle Cluney, had been killed in action two weeks previously. Hattie subsequently received two letters from military authorities in January 1944, expressing condolences on the loss of her brother.
A third letter from Canadian military authorities, dated November 28, 1944, listed four heirs to Robert’s estate—Murray F. Cluney, 245 Temperance St., New Glasgow; Burton Thomas and Hattie Cluney, Phillips Harbour, Guysborough County; and Mrs. Mary Monroe, Half Island Cove, Guysborough County, “for benefit of one minor,” Winnifred Cluney. On February 5, 1945, military authorities informed Hattie that Robert’s remains had been re-interred in Moro River Cemetery, Ortona, Italy.
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Acting Cpl. Robert Doyle Cluney's headstone, Moro River Cemetery
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Two of Robert’s siblings married during the war years. On December 26, 1942, Hattie married Melvin Havelock Creamer, son of Percy Roy and Ailsa Lucinda (Williams) Creamer, Whitehead, in a ceremony held at United Baptist Church, Phillips Harbour. Murray Forrester, Robert’s younger brother, married Roberta Marjorie MacKenzie, daughter of Robert and Marjorie (Kelly) MacKenzie, Stellarton, at St. George’s Rectory, New Glasgow, on April 10, 1944.
Portrait of Acting Cpl. Robert Doyle Cluney and photograph of his headstone courtesy of Hattie M. Creamer, Canso, NS.
