Private George Ernest Jordan—Killed In Action June 7, 1944

 George Ernest Jordan was born at Giant’s Lake, Guysborough County, on March 3, 1922, the oldest of Ernest Lavender Jordan and Evelyn Annie (Nelson) McCaul’s seven children. Evelyn was the daughter of Thomas “Tom” Nelson, a native of Wetherby, Yorkshire, England, and Margaret Ann Clark, Kilkenny, Ireland.

Private George Ernest Jordan

Tom Nelson, born on June 26, 1863, was a career soldier, logging 20 years of service with the British Army’s Manchester Regiment. In 1908, he immigrated to Canada with his wife Margaret and four of their seven children—Thomas (YOB 1891), Walter (YOB 1895), Evelyn (YOB 1898) and Rose (YOB 1899). The move may have been the result of his military service. Tom later served with the 81st Regiment, a Halifax militia unit, for 18 months.

At the time of the 1911 Canadian census, the Nelson family was living in South River Lake, Guysborough County. The census entry listed Tom’s occupation as farmer and coal miner. Five years later, Tom returned to permanent military service, enlisting with the 106th Battalion (Nova Scotia Rifles) at Truro, NS, on June 5, 1916. Despite his age—Tom was 44 years old at the time—he departed for overseas with the unit six weeks later and was appointed to the rank of Acting Sergeant/Drummer shortly after arriving in the United Kingdom.

In response to significant casualties during fighting at the Somme in September and October 1916, Canadian military authorities dissolved the 106th and its ranks were dispersed among several units. Many of its younger soldiers were assigned to the 25th (Nova Scotia Rifles) and 26th (New Brunswick) Battalions. As one of the unit’s older soldiers, Tom was transferred to the 40th Reserve Battalion, Lower Dibgate, on October 5, 1916.

The strains of military service gradually took their toll on Tom’s health. A Medical Board assessment conducted in January 1917 stated that he “has some shortness of breath on exertion, stiffness of joints and at times swelling in his hands.” Tom also experienced “pains in thighs [and] knees, etc. After exertion, he has pain in the region of the heart, also a slight heart murmur.” The Board concluded that Tom was permanently unfit for military service and recommended his discharge.

Tom departed for Canada on January 13, 1917. Upon arriving in Halifax, he spent several weeks in a Convalescent Home. A second medical report, completed in early August 1917, stated that Tom had developed “acute rheumatic fever” at Surrey, England, in 1907, and had been ill for three months. The report concluded that he was suffering from rheumatoid arthritis and valvular disease of the heart, and confirmed that these conditions were permanent. As a result, Tom was discharged as “medically unfit” at Halifax on September 25, 1917, and returned home to South River Lake.

Approximately one year prior to Tom’s enlistment with the 106th Battalion, his daughter Evelyn Ann married William Alexander McCaul, a native of Hayling Island, Hants, England, in a ceremony that took place in Loch Katrine, NS, on June 1, 1915. Less than a year later, William’s brother Walter married Evelyn’s younger sister Rose Alice at Loch Katrine on May 6, 1916.

While William’s 1915 marriage license listed his occupation as “farmer,” he also had a military background, having enlisted with the Royal Garrison Artillery (RGA) at Fort Rowner, Gosport, UK, on June 11, 1902. Only 14 years and 10 months old at the time. William served with the RGA “Imperials” for almost a decade. As with his father-in-law Tom, it is likely that William’s military service brought him to Nova Scotia.

Later documents also suggest that William was working as a “millhand” in Halifax at the time of his marriage. He also served with the 1st Canadian Garrison Artillery, a Halifax reserve artillery unit, for almost three and a half years. William and Evelyn first resided at 30 Bishop St., Halifax, Their first child, a son Alexander William, died there on December 13, 1916, at age nine months. The provincial death registry does not provide a cause of death.

The following year, two more children joined the McCaul household. A daughter, Constance Margaret, was born at 30 Bishop St. on January 26, 1917, while a son, William Alexander Theodore, arrived on December 16, 1917. By that time, the family had relocated to Purcell’s Cove, outside of Halifax, a move that may have been due to the December 6, 1917 Halifax explosion.

As a former full-time soldier, William likely longed to serve overseas during the First World War. Perhaps his young family deterred him from doing so. On November 29, 1918—two and a half weeks after the Armistice that ended the fighting in Europe—he formally attested for service with the 6th Artillery Depot, Royal Canadian Garrison Artillery, at Halifax. The timing of his enlistment soon led to tragic consequences.

In late November and December 1918, an epidemic was making its way across the province. The illness, known at the time as “Spanish flu,” spread rapidly in the military barracks’ confined quarters. On December 14, William was admitted to Cogswell St. Military Hospital with “influenza.” He had experienced “chills, headache, pains in limbs, etc.,” the previous day and had a temperature of 101 degrees Fahrenheit, a pulse rate of 118, and a respiratory rate of 24 breaths per minute at the time of his admission. The condition of his lungs rapidly deteriorated and he died at 6:30 pm December 18, 1918.

After her husband’s unexpected death, Evelyn returned to South River Lake, where she gave birth to her fourth child, John Redvers McCaul, on July 24, 1919. Widowed with three dependent children, Evelyn married Ernest Lavender Jordan, son of Orman and Jane (Tait) Jordan, Indian Harbour, at St. James Manse, Antigonish, on June 16, 1921. Ernest and Evelyn’s first child, George Ernest, was born at Giant’s Lake on March 3, 1922.

Six more children joined the Jordan household over the ensuing years—sons Walter S., Henry and Orman, and daughters Mary, Evelyn Ada and Viola. The family was still living In Lakedale, Guysborough County, at the time of the 1931 Canadian census but relocated to Barneys River, Pictou County, sometime afterward.

George Ernest Jordan left school at age 16, having completed Grade 6. He then worked on the family farm and in the local woods as a pulp cutter for several years. In 1941, he headed to Northern Ontario, where he worked as a “mucker and timber man” at Pickle Crow Gold Mines. for seven months. Upon returning to Barney’s River, he was employed as a “tail edger”’ at a saw mill operated by Fred Williams, Barney’s River Station.

George was 20 years old when he returned from Ontario, making him an ideal candidate for military service. While he would have been required to register with the federal government under the terms of the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA), there is no evidence in his service file to suggest that he was “called up” for training. On October 2, 1942, he enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at New Glasgow, NS.

George commenced basic training at No. 61 Canadian Army Basic Training Centre, New Glasgow, in mid-October and reported to No. 14 Advanced Infantry Training Centre, Aldershot, NS, in mid-December 1942 for a second course of instruction.  After spending the winter and spring at Camp Aldershot, he departed for overseas on May 13, 1943.

Nine days later. George disembarked in the United Kingdom and was immediately assigned to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit. On September 22, 1943, he was promoted to the rank of Acting Corporal with pay. In early October, George completed a mortar training course. On October 28, he “reverted” to the rank of Private on being transferred to the North Nova Scotia Highlanders.

Initially established as a machine gun unit in 1936 following the amalgamation of militia units from Cumberland, Colchester and Hants Counties, the North Nova Scotia Regiment established its headquarters in Amherst after the outbreak of war overseas. The battalion was subsequently re-designated an infantry unit and assigned to the 3rd Canadian Division’s 9th Brigade, where it served alongside the Highland Light Infantry of Canada (Waterloo, ON) and Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders (Cornwall, ON).

The “North Novas” departed for overseas on July 18, 1941, and spent the next three years training and supporting British “home defence” efforts. During the months after George’s arrival, its personnel participated in a series of training exercises in Scotland and England. rehearsing amphibious landings in preparation for a future Allied invasion of Western Europe.

On June 3, 1944, the battalion broke camp and travelled to Southampton, where its soldiers boarded a ship. The passengers awaited further orders while anchored off nearby Netley. A flotilla of vessels assembled in the inlet moved out open sea at 1400 hours June 5 and “formed up” in preparation for departure, their exact destination still a mystery.

On June 6, 1944, the first wave of British, American and Commonwealth units came ashore on the beaches of Normandy around 0800 hours. Infantry units from the 3rd Canadian Division’s 7th and 8th Brigades landed on Juno Beach, where they successfully established a beach-head. The North Novas began to come ashore near Bernières-Sur-Mer, slightly east of the Juno Beach landings, at 1140 hours, an hour later than planned. The only recorded casualties occurred when a mortar carrier struck a mine after landing on the beach, wounding several crew members.

As the area was crowded with landing craft, it took more than two hours for all North Nova personnel to come ashore. The 8th Brigade ran into stiffer resistance than expected, making it impossible for the unit to proceed as planned through the town to a designated assembly point near Bény-sur-Mer, approximately six kilometers inland.

In response, Lieutenant Colonel Donald F. Forbes, the unit’s Commanding Officer (CO), decided to assemble the battalion in a nearby field. At 1605 hours, the unit was finally able to “move off” to a designated assembly area, arriving there 40 minutes later. Its war diary commented, “We had just arrived in this…[location] when we came under shell and mortar fire, resulting in five casualties, two killed and three wounded.”

The battalion moved off at 1820 hours, heading toward its assigned objective—Carpiquet airfield, on the western outskirts of the city of Caen, approximately 20 kilometers inland from Bernières-sur-Mer. The vanguard leading the advance consisted of the “recce” troop from the 27th (Sherbrooke Fusiliers) Canadian Armoured Regiment (CAR), its tanks forming a screen in front of the North Nova soldiers following in their wake—two personnel carriers containing two C Company platoons, a Machine Gun platoon, one troop of M-10 mobile anti-tank guns, two pioneer assault sections, and four detachments of the unit’s anti-tank guns.

Behind the vanguard, A Company’s men moved inland aboard the tanks of 27th CAR’s A Squadron on the right side of the advance, while the 27th CAR’s B Squadron transported B Company’s soldiers on the left flank. D Company, riding aboard the 17th CAR’s C Squadron’s tanks, brought up the rear of the advance.

The vanguard encountered no serious resistance until it reached Villons-Les-Buissons, approximately 11 kilometers inland. As evening was approaching, military commanders realized that the unit would not reach its objective before dark. In response, the vanguard was ordered to dig in for the night. The unit’s war diary reported a total of four “other ranks” (OR) killed and another six wounded during the North Nova’s first day in Normandy.

At 0300 hours June 7, 27th CAR tank fire dispersed an attempted German counter-attack. Shortly afterward, enemy mortar and machine gun fire was heard to the rear of the unit, indicating that German forces attempting to penetrate the area behind the NNSH’s position had encountered the 8th Brigade’s Régiment de la Chaudières. Significant losses forced the enemy force to withdraw.

At 0740 hours, the North Novas moved off in the same order, following the main road leading to Carpiquet as far as Villions-les-Buissons. The unit’s war diary noted that the area “was full of [German] snipers and machine guns.” To the right of Villons-les-Buissons, an 88-mm gun opened fire on the lead tanks but was quickly eliminated. By 0930 hours, the vanguard had cleared enemy forces from the village and moved on to Buron, where a second 88-mm gun was captured.

By 1150 hours, the vanguard had passed through Buron and continued its advance toward Authie. D Company was assigned the task of “mopping up” any remaining enemy forces in the Buron area while A and B Companies pressed onward behind the leading force. When D Company personnel reached the outskirts of Buron, they encountered heavy mortar fire, in addition to sniper and machine gun fire from pockets of German soldiers hidden in the village.

Meanwhile, the vanguard reached Authie, where it encountered three German machine gun posts. “Hectic fighting” ensued as enemy mortar and artillery fire struck the area from both flanks, as well as locations beyond the village. Officers commanding the vanguard immediately radioed for tank and artillery support. Unfortunately, Allied artillery guns were out of range and could not respond to the request.

As a troop of 27th CAR support tanks arrived, several German 88-mm guns opened fire on the armoured vehicles. Meanwhile, realizing that further advance was not possible, the vanguard’s soldiers attempted to dig in and establish a firm base. Allied units on both flanks—the 3rd British Division on the left and the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade on the right—had not kept pace with the North Novas’ rapid advance, placing its soldiers in a perilous situation. In fact, the unit had advanced further inland on June 7 than any other Allied unit, leaving both flanks exposed to German infantry and armoured attack.

In response, vanguard personnel on each flank were ordered to join the vanguard’s C Company to form a “fortress.” A Company dug in on the right, just north of Authie. B Company, which had not kept pace with the vanguard, was to do the same on the left flank as soon as it arrived. Meanwhile, the remainder of the battalion held its positions in the rear.

As the North Novas attempted to establish a firm defensive formation, nine German tanks and two German infantry companies attacked from Saint-Contest on the left flank and from Cussy directly beyond Authie. The action effectively eliminated any possibility of a North Nova retreat. In response, the officers in charge of the vanguard decided to “fight it out in front of Authie.” The North Novas’ June 7 war diary entry reported, “Nothing further was heard from this small formation and no one escaped to tell the story of their gallant action.”

Shortly after the first German counter-attack, additional tanks launched a second from the area beyond Authie. All available 27th CAR tanks quickly moved forward from positions south of Buron and a major tank battle ensued. A total of 27 Canadian and 40 German tanks were destroyed before enemy forces withdrew.

Unfortunately, B Company had only advanced to a location south of Buron and was unable to assist the besieged party at Authie. By 1630 hours, Brigade headquarters deemed it impossible for the remainder of the battalion to push forward and issued orders to “bring the forward troops back” and form a fortress south of Buron.

The Buron area itself soon came under heavy German artillery and mortar fire. Enemy tanks soon broke through on the flanks, making the location untenable. In response, the remnants of B Company withdrew to previously dug slit trenches to the rear of D Company and the battalion “went to ground and prepared to hold on to the last.”

As the German tanks approached on the flank, the remaining 27th CAR tanks and the available self-propelled guns opened fire from a wooded area near Villons-les-Boissons, with the support of machine gun and rifle fire from positions north of Buron. The German guns immediately neutralized the fire from Buron, allowing enemy soldiers to penetrate D Company’s forward slit trenches. Unable to rise and engage and the attacking soldiers, two D Company platoons surrendered after expending their ammunition. When a heavy Allied counter-barrage forced the attackers to the ground, two sections of one D Company platoon managed to escape.

By that time, D Company reported that enemy forces had overrun its forward positions and that it required immediate support. A rapid counter-attack force was assembled and fierce fighting followed under a heavy Allied artillery concentration. With the support of the 12 remaining 27th CAR tanks, North Nova soldiers pushed forward under the cover of the artillery barrage and drove enemy forces back toward Authie.

The North Novas managed to recapture Buron, but lacked sufficient manpower to consolidate and hold the position as darkness set in. What remained of the North Novas and 27th CAR received permission to withdraw to high ground in a wooded area near Villons-les-Buissons, where the 9th Brigade’s Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders were also encamped.
 
Meanwhile, A Company near Authie found itself surrounded by German infantry and tanks, and was unable to withdraw to safety. After holding out for several hours against a much larger enemy force, its remaining soldiers surrendered at 1700 hours. Some vanguard personnel managed to slip into the surrounding wheat fields during the late afternoon and evening hours and retreated to Villons-les-Buissons, where they joined the remainder of the 3rd Brigade in the wooded area.

No counter-attack developed during the night as the North Novas and 27th CAR prepared to re-occupy Buron in the morning. Military commanders subsequently cancelled the orders as the remainder of the 3rd Brigade moved forward and occupied the town of Villons-Les-Buissons to the right of the wooded area.

The North Novas’ June 7 war diary entry recorded the day’s losses as known at that time—one officer and 10 “other ranks” (OR) killed; three officers and 27 OR wounded; and a shocking nine officers and 195 OR missing. Over the next several days, additional information allowed officials to account for many of the missing. In total, 16 officers and non-commissioned officers and 37 OR were killed on June 7, 1944, while 20 officers and NCOs and 88 OR were wounded.

Approximately 84 soldiers were officially listed as “missing.” While the majority were later accounted for as prisoners of war, 12 of the missing North Novas were part of a group of 18 soldiers executed by German SS at Abbeye d’Ardennes on June 7 and 8, 1944. Their remains were not discovered until after Allied forces secured the area weeks later and local civilians returned to their homes.

George was one of the soldiers initially listed as “missing” in North Nova records. A field service card in his service file, dated August 6, 1944, officially reported that he was killed in action on June 7, 1944, and buried “in the field s/w [southwest] of [the] church at Authie.” A week and a half later, military authorities wrote to Evelyn, informing her of her eldest son’s death. George was re-interred in Beny-sur-Mer Canadian Military Cemetery, Beny-sur-Mer, France, on December 18, 1944.

Evelyn Jordan passed away in the Victoria General Hospital, Halifax, on April 11, 1950, the result of ovarian cancer. According to her death certificate, her remains were interred in Loch Katrine. Ernest Jordan died on August 15, 1977, and was laid to rest in Glen Bard Cemetery, James River, Antigonish County.

Photograph of Private George Ernest Jordan courtesy of Lorraine and Wendy Wright, Lismore, Pictou County.

Private William Lyle "Bill" Izzard—Killed in Action June 7, 1944

 William Lyle “Bill” Izzard was born in Boylston, Guysborough County,  on April 3, 1922, the eldest child of William Archibald “Archie” and Louise (Lawrence) Izzard. Archie (DOB April 1, 1898) was the son of Daniel Tynes Izzard and Mary Janette Sullivan, and a grandson of Joseph Izzard, Glenkeen, and Kitty Ann Dorrington, Sunnyville, Guysborough County.

Private William Lyle "Bill" Izzard

 

During the First World War, two of Tynes Izzard’s sons served overseas. Alonzo, Archie’s older brother (DOB December 25, 1892), completed his medical examination at Guysborough on November 10, 1917, and attested with the 1st Depot Battalion, Nova Scotia Regiment, at Halifax on March 6, 1918. He departed for overseas on April 7 and spent the summer in the United Kingdom, awaiting assignment to an active unit.

On September 11, 1918, Alonzo proceeded to France for service with the 85th Battalion (Nova Scotia Highlanders). Seven days later, he joined the 85th in the field as it pursued retreating German forces in northern France. Alonzo suffered a shrapnel wound to his left shoulder on October 23, but returned to duty five days later and served with the 85th during its time in Belgium after the November 11, 1918 Armistice.

Alonzo returned to the UK on May 3, 1919, and departed for Canada in mid-August. Discharged from military service at month’s end, he initially returned to Port Shoreham, Guysborough County, his residence at the time of enlistment. By 1922, Alonzo had relocated to Kalevala Lake, a mining district 170 kilometres northwest of Winnipeg, MB. No further information is available on his later life.

Archie Izzard enlisted with the 1st Depot Battalion, Nova Scotia Regiment, at Halifax, on April 12, 1918, and departed for overseas on June 25. Initially assigned to the 17th Reserve Battalion, he was transferred to the Canadian Forestry Corps (CFC), Sunningdale, UK, in mid-August. Archie briefly served in the UK with 142nd Company, CFC, before departing for France for service with No. 8 Company, CFC, on October 10, 1918.

Archie returned to the UK on April 1, 1919, and departed for Canada six weeks later. Discharged from military service at Halifax on May 29, 1919, he returned to Boylston, where he married Louise Lawrence, daughter of Nathaniel and Susan (Bowden) Lawrence, Boylston, on February 1, 1922. The couple raised a family that expanded to include 10 children—five sons and five daughters.

While Archie and Louise initially resided in the Boylston area, the family eventually relocated to Weavers Mountain, Pictou County, where Archie worked as a lumberman in the woods and was also employed at a local mill. At age eight, Bill Izzard began to attend Barney’s River Station School, located approximately three kilometers from the Izzard home. The eldest of the famly’s children, he left school at age 15 to work on the family farm. Bill was later employed as a “mill hand” in a lumber mill operated by John D. McIvor, Barneys River, for three and a half years. During his time there, his duties included “everything except saw[ing] and fir[ing the] boilers.”

In June 1940, the Canadian Parliament passed the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA), a law that gave the federal government special powers to marshall the country’s resources in support of the Second World War. One of its terms required all young men ages 18 and over to register with the federal government, providing a nation-wide list of those eligible for military service. Individuals could be “called up” to complete a four-week military training program, after which they were encouraged to enlist. The NRMA also gave the government the power to conscript the men into “home defence duties.”

In the autumn of 1942, Bill “got [the] first call” for NRMA training and decided to enlist for overseas service. On November 10, he completed his attestation papers at New Glasgow. An entry in Bill’s service file written shortly after he arrived overseas described him as “short, well-built,… cheerful, logical, with a pleasant personality…. Would seem to have guts, initiative, willingness, and one who would be loyal to good leadership.”

After completing his initial training at No. 60 Basic Training Centre, Yarmouth, during the winter of 1942-43, Bill proceeded to Camp Aldershot, NS, for advanced infantry training on April 1, 1943. He departed for overseas on June 18 and was assigned to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit. On August 5, Bill was transferred to the ranks of the North Nova Scotia Highlanders.

Initially established as a machine gun unit in 1936 after the amalgamation of militia units from Cumberland, Colchester and Hants Counties, the North Nova Scotia Regiment established its headquarters in Amherst after the outbreak of war overseas. The unit was subsequently re-designated an infantry battalion and was assigned to the 3rd Canadian Division’s 9th Brigade, where it served alongside the Highland Light Infantry of Canada (Waterloo, ON) and Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders (Cornwall, ON).

The “North Novas” departed for overseas on July 18, 1941, and spent the next three years training and supporting British “home defence” efforts. During the months after Bill’s arrival, its personnel participated in a series of training exercises in Scotland and England where they rehearsed amphibious landings, in preparation for a future Allied invasion of Western Europe.

On June 3, 1944, the battalion broke camp and travelled to Southampton, where its soldiers boarded a ship and awaited further orders while anchored off nearby Netley. The flotilla of vessels assembled in the inlet moved out open sea at 1400 hours June 5 and “formed up” in preparation for departure, their exact destination still a mystery.

On June 6, 1944, the first wave of British, American and Commonwealth units came ashore on the beaches of Normandy around 0800 hours. Infantry units from the 3rd Canadian Division’s 7th and 8th Brigades landed on Juno Beach, where they successfully established a beach-head. The North Novas began to come ashore on the beach near Bernières-Sur-Mer, slightly east of the Juno Beach landings, at 1140 hours, one hour later than planned. The only recorded casualties occurred when a mortar carrier struck a mine after landing on the beach, wounding several crew members.

As the beach was crowded with landing craft, it took more than two hours for all North Nova personnel to come ashore. The 8th Brigade in front of the unit ran into stiffer resistance than expected, making it impossible for the unit to proceed as planned through the town to a designated assembly point near Bény-sur-Mer, approximately six kilometers inland. In response, Lieutenant Colonel Donald F. Forbes, the unit’s Commanding Officer (CO), decided to assemble the battalion in a nearby field.

At 1605 hours, the North Novas were finally able to “move off” to a designated assembly area, arriving there 40 minutes later. Its war diary commented, “We had just arrived in this…[location] when we came under shell and mortar fire, resulting in five casualties, two killed and three wounded,” the unit’s first Normandy campaign fatalities.

The battalion moved out at 1820 hours, heading toward its assigned objective—Carpiquet Airfield, on the western outskirts of the city of Caen, approximately 20 kilometers inland from Bernières-sur-Mer. The vanguard leading the advance consisted of the “recce” troop of 27th (Sherbrooke Fusiliers) Canadian Armoured Regiment (CAR), its tanks forming a screen in front of the North Nova soldiers following in their wake—two personnel carriers containing two C Company platoons, a Machine Gun platoon, one troop of M-10 mobile anti-tank guns, two pioneer assault sections, and four detachments of the unit’s anti-tank guns.

Behind the vanguard, A Company’s men moved inland aboard the tanks of 27th CAR’s A Squadron on the right side of the advance, while the 27th CAR’s B Squadron transported B Company’s soldiers on the left flank. D Company, riding aboard the 27th CAR’s C Squadron’s tanks, brought up the rear.

The vanguard encountered no serious resistance until it reached Villons-Les-Buissons, approximately 11 kilometers inland. As evening was approaching, military commanders realized that the unit would not reach its objective before dark. As a result, the vanguard was ordered to dig in for the night. The unit’s war diary reported a total of four “other ranks” (OR) killed and another six wounded during its first day in Normandy.

At 0300 hours June 7, 27th CAR tank fire dispersed an attempted German counter-attack. Shortly afterward, enemy mortar and machine gun fire was heard to the rear of the unit, indicating that German forces attempting to cut around behind the NNSH’s position had encountered the 8th Brigade’s Régiment de la Chaudières. Significant losses forced the enemy force to withdraw.

At 0740 hours, the North Novas moved off in the same order, following the main road from Villon-les-Buissons to Carpiquet. The unit’s war diary noted that the area “was full of [German] snipers and machine guns.” To the right of Villons-les-Buissons, an 88-mm gun opened fire on the lead tanks but was quickly eliminated. By 0930 hours, the vanguard had cleared enemy forces from the village and moved on to Buron, where a second 88-mm gun was captured.

The vanguard passed through Buron by 1150 hours and continued its advance toward Authie. D Company was assigned the task of “mopping up” any remaining enemy forces in the Buron area, while A and B Companies pressed onward behind the leading force. When D Company personnel reached the outskirts of Buron, they encountered heavy mortar shelling, in addition to sniper and machine gun fire from pockets of German soldiers hidden in the village.

Meanwhile, the vanguard reached Authie, where it encountered three German machine gun posts. “Hectic fighting” ensued as enemy mortar and artillery fire struck the area from both flanks, as well as locations beyond the village. Officers commanding the vanguard immediately radioed for tank and artillery support. Unfortunately, Allied artillery guns were out of range and could not respond to the request.

As a troop of 27th CAR support tanks arrived, several German 88-mm guns opened fire on the armoured vehicles. Meanwhile, realizing that further advance was not possible, the vanguard’s soldiers attempted to dig in and establish a firm base. Allied units on both flanks—the 3rd British Division on the left and the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade on the right—had not kept pace with the North Novas’ rapid advance, placing its soldiers in a perilous situation. In fact, the unit had advanced further inland on June 7 than any other Allied unit, leaving both flanks exposed to German infantry and armoured attack.

In response, vanguard personnel on each flank were ordered to join the vanguard’s C Company to form a “fortress.” A Company dug in on the right, just north of Authie. B Company, which had not kept pace with the vanguard, was instructed to do the same on the left flank as soon as it arrived. Meanwhile, the remainder of the battalion held its positions in the rear.

As the North Novas attempted to establish a firm defensive formation, nine German tanks and two German infantry companies attacked from Saint-Contest on the left flank and Cussy directly beyond Authie. The action effectively eliminated any possibility of a North Nova retreat. In response, the officers in charge of the vanguard decided to “fight it out in front of Authie.” The North Novas’ June 7 war diary entry reported, “Nothing further was heard from this small formation and no one escaped to tell the story of their gallant action.”

Shortly after the first German counter-attack, additional tanks launched a second assault from the area beyond Authie. All available 27th CAR tanks quickly moved forward from positions south of Buron and a major tank battle ensued. A total of 27 Canadian and 40 German tanks were destroyed before enemy forces withdrew.

Source: C. P. Stacey, "The Victory Campaign"

Unfortunately, B Company had only advanced to a location south of Buron and was unable to assist the besieged party at Authie. By 1630 hours, Battalion Headquarters deemed it impossible for the remainder of the unit to push ahead and issued orders to “bring the forward troops back” and form a fortress south of Buron.

The Buron area itself soon came under heavy German artillery and mortar fire. Enemy tanks broke through on the flanks, making the location untenable. In response, the remnants of B Company withdrew to previously dug slit trenches to the rear of D Company and the battalion “went to ground and prepared to hold on to the last.”

As the German tanks approached on the flank, the remaining 27th CAR tanks and the available self-propelled guns opened fire from a wooded area near Villons-les-Boissons, with the support of machine gun and rifle fire from positions north of Buron. The German guns immediately neutralized the fire from Buron, allowing enemy soldiers to penetrate D Company’s forward slit trenches. Unable to rise and engage the attacking soldiers, two D Company platoons surrendered after expending their ammunition. When a heavy Allied counter-barrage forced the attackers to the ground, two sections of one D Company platoon managed to escape.

By that time, D Company reported that enemy forces had overrun its forward positions and that it required immediate support. A rapid counter-attack force was assembled and fierce fighting followed under a heavy Allied artillery bombardment. With the support of the 12 remaining 27th CAR tanks, North Nova soldiers pushed forward under the barrage’s cover and drove enemy forces back toward Authie.

The North Novas managed to recapture Buron, but lacked sufficient manpower to consolidate and hold the position as darkness set in. What remained of the North Novas and 27th CAR received permission to withdraw to high ground in a wooded area near Villons-les-Buissons, where the 9th Brigade’s Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders were also encamped.
 
Meanwhile, A Company near Authie found itself surrounded by German infantry and tanks, unable to withdraw to safety. After holding out for several hours against a much larger enemy force, its remaining soldiers surrendered at 1700 hours June 7. Some vanguard personnel managed to slip into the surrounding wheat fields during the late afternoon and evening hours and retreated to Villons-les-Buissons, where they joined the remainder of the 3rd Brigade in the wooded area.

No counter-attack developed during the night as the North Novas and 27th CAR prepared to re-occupy Buron in the morning. Military commanders subsequently cancelled the orders as 3rd Brigade units moved forward and occupied the town of Villons-Les-Buissons to the right of the wooded area.

The North Novas’ June 7 war diary entry recorded the day’s losses as known at that time—one officer and 10 “other ranks” (OR) killed; three officers and 27 OR wounded; and a shocking nine officers and 195 OR missing. Over the next several days, additional information allowed officials to account for many of the missing. In total, 16 North Nova officers and non-commissioned officers and 37 OR were killed on June 7, 1944, while 20 officers and NCOs and 88 OR were wounded.

Approximately 84 soldiers were officially listed as “missing.” While the majority were later accounted for as prisoners of war, 12 of the missing North Novas were part of a group of 18 soldiers executed by German SS at Abbaye d’Ardennes on June 7 and 8, 1944. Their remains were not discovered until after Allied forces secured the area weeks later and local civilians returned to their homes.

Private William Lyle Izzard was among the soldiers killed in the fierce June 7 fighting near Authie. He was initially buried “in the field southwest [of the] church in Authie.” A later Commonwealth War Graves Commission document described the location as “behind [a] hedge, 25 yards east of [the] Authie to Buron [road].” Bill’s grave and those of other fallen North Nova comrades were not discovered until Allied forces had pushed inland beyond the city of Caen in mid-August, allowing non-combat personnel to search the area for gravesites.

An Official Canadian Army Overseas Casualty Notification form in Bill’s service file, dated August 16, 1944, officially recorded that he was killed in action on June 7, 1944. Almost a month later—September 11, 1944—Canadian military authorities sent a letter to Bill’s mother Annie, informing her that her eldest son had been killed. Bill’s remains were re-interred in Beny-sur-Mer Canadian Military Cemetery, Bent-sur-Mer, on December 18, 1944.

William Archibald Izzard passed away in Camp Hill Hospital, Halifax, on May 29, 1972. Archie had been in hospital for one month prior to his death, having suffered a stroke at age 74. His wife Annie Louise died in Halifax in April 1994 at 95 years of age.

Photograph of Private William Lyle Izzard courtesy of Clyde Macdonald, New Glasgow, NS.

Private Samuel James Carr—Killed in Action May 23, 1944

 Samuel James “Sam” Carr was born in Manassette Lake, Guysborough County, on February 12, 1924, the youngest of Howard Thomas and Mary Eviva (Diggins) Carr’s three sons. Howard and Eviva were married at Guysborough on February 10, 1914, and raised a family of seven children—sons Ernest Robert (March 17, 1917), Maurice Martin (December 17, 1921) and Samuel James, and daughters Margaret Helen (1914), Mary Naomia (May 6, 1920), Ann (1925) and Gertrude (1926).

Private Samuel James "Sam" Carr

At the time of the 1931 Canadian census, the Carr family was living in Manasette Lake, where Howard operated a farm and worked in the local fishery. Tragically, Howard passed away suddenly in St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, on July 9, 1935, the result of “acute nephritis [kidney inflammation] with hypertension.” His death at age 45 left Eviva to care for five dependent children.

Sam attended public school for seven years, leaving at age14 to work on the farm of Robert S. Grady, St. Francis Harbour. He came of age at a time when Canada was at war and actively seeking enlistments for military service. Canadian units participated in the invasion of Italy in early July 1943 and the demand for reinforcements, particularly in infantry ranks, grew rapidly over the subsequent months.

On August 3, 1943, Sam was “taken on strength” by No. 6 Military District, Halifax, under the terms of the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA). The June 1940 federal law gave the federal government the power to mobilize the resources necessary to fight the war. Among its provisions, young men of military service age were required to complete a basic training program, after which they were encouraged to volunteer for domestic or overseas service.

One week after reporting to No, 6 Depot, Sam formally enlisted with the Canadian Army at Halifax. On September 9, he reported to No. 60 Canadian Army Basic Training Depot, Yarmouth, where he completed his initial training. One month later, he joined the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF), making him eligible for overseas service. On November 5, he reported to No. 14 Advanced Infantry (Reserve) Training Centre, Aldershot, where he completed his training.

On December 30, 1943, Sam was granted a one-week pass that was later extended to a two-week pre-embarkation leave. He returned to duty on January 17, 1944, and was struck off the strength of the Canadian Army (Canada) one month later. Sam arrived in the United Kingdom on February 24, 1944, and was immediately assigned to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU).

As there was considerable demand for infantry reinforcements in Italy at the time, Sam’s path to active duty in the field occurred quickly. In mid-March 1944, he was transferred to No. 4 CIRU, which provided reinforcements for Canadian units in the Mediterranean theatre. He departed for Italy on March 16 and was ‘taken on strength” by the Central Mediterranean Force on April 9. That same day, Sam’s name was placed on the West Nova Scotia Regiment’s 1st Battalion reinforcement list. Exactly one month later, he was transferred to the Regiment’s 4th Battalion, the last posting before joining the unit in the field.

The West Nova Regiment was created in 1936, when the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments amalgamated into one unit. The battalion officially mobilized for overseas service on September 1, 1939, and departed for the United Kingdom before year’s end. The “West Novas” were assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Brigade, where its soldiers served alongside the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) and the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec’s “VanDoos”).

The entire 1st Canadian Division was part of the Allied force that landed in Sicily on July 10, 1943, and fought its way across the island over the next five weeks. Canadian forces crossed the Strait of Messina to Reggio, located on the southernmost tip of the Italian peninsula, on September 3, 1943. Several days later, a second, larger American and British force landed at Salerno, south of Naples. Throughout the autumn of 1943, Allied forces pushed their way northward. While the Italian government officially surrendered shortly after the mainland invasion, German units firmly resisted the advance.

Canadian units spent the early months of 1944 in Allied sectors north of the town of Ortona, which they had liberated in late December 1943. While British and Canadian forces advanced slowly up the Adriatic coast, an Allied army consisting of American, British and Commonwealth forces on the western coast, adjacent to the Tyrrhenian Sea, struggled to make its way toward the capital of Rome. While a small Allied force had landed at Anzio and Nettuno on the German right flank, the units were unable to push inland beyond their beach-head along the Pontine Marshes.

In an effort to break the deadlock, Allied commanders devised a plan to launch an attack inland, east of the Anzio beach-head. The primary target was the Liri Valley, located between the Lepini Mountains on the western side and the main chain of Apennine Mountains to the east. The entrance to the valley stretched for 15 to 20 kilometers from the town of Cassino beneath the Apennines to the Liri River, which wound its way northwestward along the valley’s western side.

The Liri Valley provided a direct route to the Alban Hills, beyond which lay the Italian capital. Recognizing its strategic value, German forces established an elaborate defensive system to block Allied access to the area.  Monte Cassino, a former monastery located in the Appenines above the town of the same name, provided an excellent vantage point for observing Allied troop movements.

Behind the valley entrance, the Germans constructed two elaborate defensive lines. The first, called the Gustav Line, lay in the area around Pignatoro, while the second, main position, dubbed the Hitler Line, was located further north, near Pontecorvo. On the eastern side, the Polish Corps was assigned the unenviable task of dislodging German forces from atop Monte Cassino. Meanwhile, British and Commonwealth forces focused on the central and western sectors of the line.

The Allied attack on the Liri Valley commenced on May 11, 1944, with French, British and Indian units advancing as far as the Gustav Line on the first day. While Polish forces on the eastern flank continued their efforts to dislodge enemy forces atop Monte Cassino, Allied commanders sought to exploit the gains made in the central and western sectors of the line.

On May 15, Canadian units moved forward to support areas behind the Allied line’s western sector. The West Nova Regiment departed from their camp at Bucciano and travelled by motor transport through mountainous terrain to the Liri Valley in hot, dry weather. Among its “other ranks” (OR) was Private Sam Carr, who officially joined the unit that same day.

The following day, the soldiers had their first glimpse of their next objective—a lush, green valley nestled between mountains on either side, its landscape dotted with orchards and fields of tall grass or waist-high wheat. Streams running from the mountains wound their way across the valley, carving deep gullies that presented obstacles for tanks and armoured vehicles. Shrubs and trees along their banks provided excellent cover for anti-tank weapons.

On the evening of May 16, the West Novas relieved a Mahratta battalion from the Indian Division. The following morning, its soldiers were served a hot breakfast and then formed up along the Pignatoro - Pontecorvo Road, where they awaited orders to advance. Enemy artillery and mortar fire blanketed the area, inflicting several casualties.

Around mid-morning, the West Novas passed through their Royal 22e Régiment comrades’ line and attacked the remnants of the Gustav Line. The defences consisted of slit trenches, machine gun, mortar and neberwerfer (rocket-propelled projectiles) pits and fortified houses scattered across the fields and orchards. Two Companies led the way, with support from British tanks, while the remaining two Companies followed in support.

Numerous German soldiers surrendered as the unit pushed forward, while an occasional group, usually occupying a farmhouse, resisted but were quickly overpowered. Snipers in trees and along the roads presented a greater threat, but overall enemy resistance collapsed quickly. Most casualties were the result of artillery and mortar fire.

Tanks supporting the attack encountered a ravine several hundred meters from the start line and fell behind the advancing soldiers. The armoured vehicles soon caught up and provided supporting fire as the unit consolidated its positions. By nightfall, personnel were safely entrenched in fields near a farmhouse called Case di Georgio, located on a bend of the highway that extended into the valley from Pignatoro.

Under cover of darkness, West Nova soldiers pushed forward approximately three kilometers and established a base from which their Carleton & York comrades could continue the advance the following day. Artillery shelling continued to strike the area throughout the evening, but casualties were light. Meanwhile, German forces gradually withdrew to the Hitler Line, blanketing the main roads with harassing mortar and artillery fire to inhibit Allied movement.

Over the next several days, the 3rd Brigade’s three units rotated through advanced positions in a series of “leap frog” movements. On May 19, the West Novas swung westward and passed through the Royal 22e’s lines under intense artillery, mortar and machine gun fire. The maneuver involved crossing the 20-foot-wide Forme d’Aquino, a stream running through a deep gully.

Once on the other side, the soldiers made their way across a swampy flat covered with bushes and dug in along a low ridge in the evening hours. A heavy rain commenced during the night and continued into the morning of May 20, making for uncomfortable conditions. The sun emerged in the afternoon and support personnel were able to bring hot meals to the men. The unit then held its position for the next 48 hours.

By May 22, Canadian forces had reached the Hitler Line and adjusted their brigades in preparation for an attack on the Liri Valley’s final defences. Following a preliminary bombardment, three Canadian battalions, including the 3rd Brigade’s Carleton & Yorks, would launch the initial advance with tank support.

The New Brunswick regiment’s target consisted of a series of well concealed slit trenches, machine gun, mortar and nebelwerfer emplacements hidden in wooded areas. In every stone structure, German forces established strong points, reinforced by sandbags and equipped with dugouts under their earthen floors. Tanks were concealed in clusters of shrubs or buried almost to turret depth in grain fields, which provided cover for the weapons. Artillery covered all approaches, while low belts of barbed wire and personnel mines were deployed across the landscape.

At 4:30 am May 23, the West Novas ate breakfast and moved into their assigned positions at first light. In front of them, the Carleton & Yorks launched the opening attack as a rolling artillery barrage provided cover. In response, German artillery shelled the Canadian support areas. Many of the tanks supporting the attack fell victim to fire from well-concealed positions and from self-propelled guns moving through wooded area by-passed by the infantry during its advance.

So many tanks were lost in the initial attack that infantry units were forced to pause until replacements arrived. By mid-morning, rain began to fall, turning into a torrential downpour by afternoon. Support personnel once again brought hot meals forward as the soldiers waited. As the hours passed, German artillery, nebelwerfer and mortar fire impacted the West Novas’ ranks. While C Company had set out in the morning with 107 men, its ranks were reduced to 55 before day’s end.

Tank support from the Trois Rivières Regiment finally arrived around 4:30 pm and the advance resumed. The West Novas’ A & B Companies passed through the Carleton & Yorks’ line in front of the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road. The 1st Canadian Brigade to their left had moved forward along the Liri River’s west bank but were soon held up. Similarly, the 2nd Brigade encountered fierce resistance on the right, gaining little ground while suffering heavy casualties.

The West Novas’ successful advance placed them in a position to have a significant impact on the attack’s final outcome. The Pontecorvo - Aquino road in front of them represented the best escape route for German forces. Close by, a second road out of Pontecorvo ran northward at an angle to their location. If the West Novas could secure it, enemy units would face the prospect of being cut off from any retreat. As Pontecorvo was the Hitler Line’s main bastion, its capture would result in the line’s collapse.

Brigade commanders immediately recognized the opportunity and ordered the West Novas forward with orders to cut off the second road and hold it at all costs. A & B Companies immediately advanced, following a supporting artillery barrage. The attack surprised the Germans opposite their location, prompting many to surrender without opposition. The few posts that held out were left to C & D Companies as they conducted a “mopping up” operation.

As supporting tanks were unable to cross a deep gully, the soldiers pressed forward on their own, passing through a German counter-barrage and reaching the second Pontecorvo road before sunset. Along the way, the unit overcame spotty resistance, advancing to a ridge beyond the road where the men established a defensive position.

The West Novas assumed that the 48th Highlanders had advanced to positions on their left flank. Unbeknownst to them, German forces had gathered along a smaller road on their left flank, shielded from view by thickets and small hills. Within minutes, the Nova Scotians were the target of a significant counter-attack from the front and left that soon spread to their rear. D Company officers soon spotted large numbers of German soldiers moving through grain fields on their left flank. While they placed an urgent call for artillery fire that extinguished the threat, the Company lost an entire section before the enemy retreated.

Meanwhile, another large group of enemy forces assembled in front of A Company and prepared to attack its location. While officers requested an artillery barrage, the soldiers dug in close to the road in preparation. To make matters worse, while the West Novas were engaged in defending their position from attacks on the western flank, a second German force from Pontecorvo crept through waist-high grain along the southeastern side of the road, well past the rear of C & D Companies. As daylight began to wane, enemy soldiers attacked A Company from the flank and rear.

A Company’s forward platoons, busy digging in and having no weapons at hand, were taken completely by surprise. The soldiers who survived were taken prisoner. As German forces escorted their captives northward along the road, they unexpectedly encountered the West Novas’ B Company, which fired its machine guns over the enemy soldiers’ heads before focusing on the column. The prisoners quickly dove into the surrounding fields in an effort to escape.

Also unknown to the other three Companies, a group of ten A Company soldiers had survived the German attack and established a defensive position in slit trenches around their headquarters. The men managed to hold off enemy soldiers advancing toward them through the grainfield. To their left, D Company, spread out among farmhouses about 700 to 800 meters to the left of the road, were in considerable danger as they were totally unaware of what was happening to their comrades.

As night fell, German soldiers and one tank attacked D Company from the front, while another group, supported by two tanks, attacked from the left flank. The West Nova soldiers managed to force the enemy forces to the ground, but suffered considerable casualties in the process. Discouraged by anti-tank fire in the dwindling light, the German tanks eventually withdrew, providing some relief to the besieged Nova Scotians.

C Company also found itself in a precarious situation, cut off in the direction of Pontecorvo well behind German lines. Meanwhile, B Company was isolated on the ridge to the northeast. Between the two groups lay a handful of A Company survivors, clinging to a strip of land along the Pontecorvo road.

Lieutenant-Colonel Waterman, the West Novas’ commanding officer, managed to inform Brigade commanders of the situation and a troop of Trois Rivières Regiment’s tanks, accompanied by whatever West Nova soldiers were available at battalion Headquarters. were immediately dispatched to rescue the beleaguered groups.

With support from three tanks, an officer and 18 reinforcements managed to reached A Company. The small group persuaded attacking German forces that their numbers were far greater by continually relocating their four Bren guns to various position on their perimeter throughout the evening. By 1:00 am May 24, the situations had stabilized but still remained perilous.

During the night, the West Novas could hear the sound of transports moving along the nearby road. While the soldiers assumed that these were elements of the 1st Canadian Brigade, the vehicles were in fact carrying German soldiers fleeing Pontecorvo. Their Canadian comrades did not enter the town until after daylight on the morning of May 24. Throughout the day, German forces surrounding the West Novas gradually made their way northwest along a cart track that passed through the fields, following their retreating comrades.

As dawn broke, tanks from the 5th Canadian Armoured Division greeted the weary West Novas. The armoured vehicles had managed to advance through a gap in the Hitler Line and were pursuing the retreating enemy. Their arrival assisted the beleaguered unit in driving off the final German attacks on their positions.

During the morning, the remaining West Nova soldiers withdrew to positions behind the Pontecorvo road while the Irish Regiment of Canada and the 5th Armoured Division’s tanks moved off in pursuit of the retreating German forces. Thomas Raddall, author of the West Novas’ comprehensive regimental history, described what transpired in the aftermath of its rescue:

“Most of the dead were buried where they fell, but Padré Wilmot managed to collect the bodies of 14 where the Regiment had passed over the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road, close to a dug-in German tank which had done great damage before it was destroyed. Here they were buried in a small plot on the east side of the road immediately opposite a small Italian wayside shrine.”

The last of the wounded West Novas were evacuated from the battlefield at 4:00 pm May 24. Meanwhile the 5th Armoured Division reached the Melfa River, a tributary of the Liri located eight kilometers in front of the Hitler Line. The West Nova Scotia Regiment remained in the line until May 26, at which time its war diary entry described the state of its soldiers:

“…[B]attalion practically out on its feet[,] having been fighting in or under shell and mortar fire continually since 16 May with very little sleep…. Our best moment in days - [orders received] to move forward about one mile to new area, dig in and sleep.”

The attack on the Hitler Line was a costly one for the West Nova Scotia Regiment. From May 16 to 26, Commonwealth War Graves records indicate that the unit suffered a total of 48 fatalities. One day in particular accounted for almost one-third of these losses. On May 23, 1944, 17 West Nova soldiers perished. Private Samuel James Carr was one of the soldiers killed in action on that day during his first combat tour. The exact circumstances of his death are unknown.

Sam was initially buried “in a former slit trench some two miles south of [the] Pontecorvo - Aquino Road to [the] right of [an] 88 mm gun (German).” On June 1, 1944, military authorities sent a telegram to his mother Eviva, Manasette Lake, notifying her that her youngest son had been killed in action. Sam was re-interred in Cassino British Military Cemetery, Cassino, Italy, on January 27, 1945. Eviva Carr passed away in 1980 and was laid to rest beside her husband Howard in St. Francis Harbour Roman Catholic Cemetery.

After Eviva’s death, Sam’s service medals were passed along to two of his younger sisters. Gertrude “Gertie,” who presently resides in Boylston, received his service medals, while Mary was given his Silver Cross. Mary had married Donald Hirtle and lived in Blockhouse, near Bridgewater, for much of her married life. During a move to a new residence, Sam’s Silver Cross was misplaced. After her husband’s death in 2005, Mary returned to Manassette Lake, where she passed away on December 5, 2008.

Gertie Carr's Memorial Shadow Box

 

In 2018, Collins Sawler, a resident of Martins River, NS, was scanning a recreational field in Blockhouse with a metal detector when he discovered a Second World War Silver Cross with F2079—Sam Carr’s initial service number—inscribed on the back. After identifying the soldier connected to the service number, Collins set out to locate a family descendant. After posting a photograph and news item in provincial media, he made contact with Gertie and drove to New Glasgow to return the medal to the Carr family. Gertie subsequently placed all of Sam’s medals, a picture of Sam and his headstone in a shadow box that is on display in her Boylston home.

Thanks to Debbie Poirier, Moncton, NB, who provided information on the discovery of Sam's Silver Cross and a picture of Gertie Carr's memorial shadow box.

Private Gordon Melvin Newell—Died of Wounds May 20, 1944

Gordon Melvin Newell was born in Canso, Guysborough County, on May 14, 1924, the son of Mansfield and Lila Louella (Feltmate) Newell. Mansfield was also a Canso native, the son of James Reynolds and Agnes J. (Rossong) Newell, while Lila was the daughter of Walter and Ellen Feltmate, Whitehead. Mansfield and Lila were married in Canso on November 5, 1912, and established residence along the Tickle, a two-kilometer channel between the mainland and Durrell’s Island, located on the outskirts of Canso.

Private Gordon Melvin Newell

The Newell household gradually expanded to include nine children—sons Coleman, Gordon, Stanley, and Douglas, and daughters Edna, Amanda, Leona, Bertha and Jean. Gordon, the second-oldest of the boys, completed five years of school before leaving to work in the local fishery. At the time of his military enlistment, he was working as a fish cutter in a Canso plant operated by Harry James.

On December 3, 1942, Gordon enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at No 6 District Depot, Halifax. At that time, the 18-year-old indicated that he was “sole support” for his mother. In late January 1943, Gordon was assigned to No. 61 Canadian Army Basic Training Centre, New Glasgow. Upon completing the six-week introductory infantry program, he reported to Camp Aldershot for advanced training on April 14, 1943.

In early July 1943, a large Allied force landed on the southern shores of Sicily, an event that marked the commencement of a major military campaign against Italy, Germany’s Axis ally. The 1st Canadian Division was part of the invading force. Initially attached to the British Army, its units proceeded across the Italian island throughout the summer of 1943.

The first major Allied campaign of the war quickly created a significant demand for infantry reinforcements. As a “general list” soldier, Gordon was not attached to a specific unit. As a result, he became one of thousands of young Canadians placed in the reinforcement stream.

Gordon departed for overseas on July 18, 1943, and disembarked in the United Kingdom 10 days later. He was immediately assigned to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), where he continued to train while awaiting a transfer to an active combat unit. While Gordon initially selected his father Mansfield as next of kin, he changed this designation to his mother Lila in early August.

After four months’ training in the UK, Gordon was assigned to the Mediterranean Force’s reinforcement pool on October 25, 1943. He departed for the region the following day and set foot in Italy on November 9. By that time, his name had been added to the reinforcement list for the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick).

In 1937, two New Brunswick militia units—the Carleton Light Infantry and the York Regiment—amalgamated to form the Carleton & York Regiment. The new unit drew its members from the counties of Carleton and York, which included the Woodstock and Fredericton areas respectively. The regiment mobilized at Woodstock on September 1, 1939. Following Canada’s declaration of war on Nazi Germany, the Carleton & Yorks were assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Infantry Brigade, where they served alongside the West Nova Scotia Regiment and the Royal 22e Régiment, Quebec’s famous “Vandoos.”

The Carleton & Yorks departed for overseas on December 9, 1939. After three and a half long years of training and defensive duties in the UK, its soldiers headed for the Mediterranean theatre, landing on the shores of Sicily with Allied forces on July 10, 1943. Canadian units fought alongside British and American forces throughout the following month, pushing German and Italian troops from the island by mid-August.

On September 3, 1943, Canadian units were the first Allied soldiers to cross the Strait of Messina to the Italian mainland, landing at Reggio on the peninsula’s southern tip. Within a week, a second, larger British and American force came ashore at Salerno, south of Naples. Over the next four months, the two Allied armies fought their way northward across mountainous terrain. While Italian forces officially surrendered in mid-September, German reinforcements quickly dispatched to the Italian peninsula fiercely resisted the Allied invasion.

The Carleton & York Regiment and its 3rd Brigade mates initially advanced with Canadian forces up the centre of the Italian peninsula, veering eastward toward the Adriatic Sea in early December. The landscape along the coastal plain differed significantly from the mountainous terrain the Canadians had encountered after landing on the mainland. Rivers running from the peninsula’s central mountains to the Adriatic carved deep gullies into the terrain, which was covered by farmland and vineyards. Stone houses and structures were spread across the landscape, providing ideal cover for enemy positions.

By the time the 1st Canadian Division arrived in the area, Allied forces had crossed the Sangro River, forcing German units to retreat to the Moro River, 16 kilometers to the north. The area saw the fiercest fighting the Canadians had experienced since landing in Italy. It took 12 days to dislodge German forces from a location known as “the Gully,” west of the coastal town of Ortona. All of the 3rd Infantry Brigade’s regiments saw combat, suffering their worst casualties to date.

Altogether, the Carleton & York Regiment reported a total of 88 casualties—19 soldiers killed and 69 wounded—from its September 3 landing at Reggio to its December 5 deployment in the Moro River sector. By comparison, four weeks of service in the Gully cost the regiment 248 men—77 killed and 171 wounded.

Throughout the month of December 1943, the 1st Canadian Division received approximately 2,400 reinforcements. While that number replaced most of the month’s battlefield casualties, it did not address pre-existing shortages or losses due to sickness. The Division found itself 1,000 soldiers short of full strength as the New Year arrived and was particularly lacking in non-commissioned officers. The new arrivals required additional training before they would be effective in the field, limiting the Division’s effectiveness.

The Carleton & Yorks were relieved from front line duty on January 4, 1944, and remained in reserve until mid-month, when the entire 3rd Brigade retired to the San Vito - Treglio area for rest and training. While Private Gordon Newell was officially transferred to the regiment on December 31, 1943, he likely joined its ranks sometime during the first weeks of January 1944.

The next four months were divided between training and holding the existing line during a period of static operations that stretched through the winter into early spring. During this time, both sides dispatched nightly patrols, probing one another’s defences. Occasionally, the small groups sought to capture prisoners in an effort to identify the units occupying the opposite line.

During this time, the 1st Canadian Division was attached to I Canadian Corps, which was responsible for a 12 kilometre section of the front line north of Ortona. As spring approached, Allied commanders turned their attention to a planned offensive on the Italian peninsula’s western coast. Prior to its commencement, however, it was important to maintain a regular routine in the Adriatic sectors, to prevent the transfer of German units to the western sectors of the line.

The Carleton & Yorks returned to front line duty along the Arielli River on February 7. The 3rd Brigade battalions rotated in and out of the line approximately every five days, their operations confined to patrolling in snow or rain into mid-March. The heavy clay under foot soon became a muddy quagmire. Water filled slit trenches and temperatures regularly dropped below freezing at night.

Conditions improved during the last two weeks of March and the mud gradually diminished. The better weather allowed battalions in reserve to complete route marches for physical conditioning, as the men had been largely inactive throughout the winter. April brought warm and sunny weather as Canadian units prepared to leave the eastern Adriatic sectors for an assignment on the Italian peninsula’s western coast.

While Canadian and British forces spent the winter on the eastern Arielli front, a stalemate had also emerged in the western sectors. A large American force had landed at Anzio Beach on January 2, 1944, hoping to outflank German forces and force their retreat. While the Allied units successfully established a beach-head, they were unable to advance inland. Efforts in March to break through the German line in the Liri Valley to the east of Anzoio also failed.

In response, Allied commanders planned to concentrate the bulk of their forces in western sectors, with the goal of breaking through German defences and advancing toward the Italian capital of Rome. The focus was an area in front of the town of Cassino and the entrance to the Liri Valley to its west, a stretch of flat agricultural land several kilometers in width flanked by steep mountains on either side.

The valley extended in a northwesterly direction parallel to the coast, the main road to Rome passing through its centre. At its entrance lay the Gustav Line, a series of defensive positions situated along three sections of the same river—the Rapido, Gari and Garigliano—running from Cassino in the east to the Liri River in the west. Above the town of Cassino sat a monastery called Monte Cassino. The location provided German forces with a vantage point from which they could observe the movement of Allied units as they assembled along the valley’s entrance.

Approximately 12 kilometers behind the Gustav defences lay the Hitler Line, a second system that ran from Pontecorvo on the western side to Aquino and Piedemonte in the east. Between the two lines lay the Forme d’Aquino, a deep gully with two streams at its bottom. It was hoped that successful penetration of the Gustav and Hitler Lines would break the stalemate along the coastline, allowing American forces to advance inland from Anzio Beach.

Prior to its deployment in the Liri Valley, the Carleton & York Regiment enjoyed a three-week break from active operations, training with its 3rd Brigade mates in the Campobasso and Lucera areas. On May 8, personnel moved to a location near Montesarchio, where the 3rd Brigade assembled for a final series of maneuvers. Meanwhile, the Allied offensive into the Liri Valley commenced with a preparatory artillery bombardment on May 11. That same day, the Carleton & Yorks set off for their final training exercise—a mock attack on a ridge northeast of Aurora—at 0530 hours.

British and Commonwealth forces occupied the central sectors of the line, with II US Corps on their left flank. To their right, II Polish Corps, was given the unenviable task of dislodging German forces from their positions atop Monte Cassino. As the operation commenced, I Canadian Corps waited in reserve. Once British and Indian units breached the Gustav defences, the Canadians would move forward and press onward to the Hitler Line.

By May 15, only sectors of the Gustav Line around the town of Cassino and the monastery above it remained in German hands. As British and Indian forces had made significant progress, I Canadian Corps was ordered into the line to exploit the gains. On the night of May 15/16, 1st Canadian Division infantry units relieved British and Indian soldiers in the left portion of the line. The following night—May 16/17—the 3rd Infantry Brigade occupied the remaining sectors on the right.

After moving forward to the vicinity of Pignatoro by transport on May 15, the Carleton & York Regiment relieved the 8th Indian Division’s Maratha Light infantry on the evening of May 16. German artillery and mortar fire struck the unit’s sectors periodically as the men settled into the line. The 3rd Brigade had received orders to prepare for a three-battalion attack, which would involve a “triple leap frog” maneuver. The Carleton & Yorks were the third component, assigned the objective of establishing control of a road running north-south about 800 meters in front of the Forme d’Aquino.

At 0630 hours May 17, the Royal 22e Régiment, supported by a 12th Canadian Tank Regiment squadron, commenced the attack and reached its objective by 0940 hours. The West Nova Regiment then passed through the VanDoo’s line and continued the advance, securing its objective by mid-afternoon. The Carleton & Yorks joined the fighting around 1600 hours and secured its objective “against light opposition” by 1900 hours, suffering only four casualties.

Allied commanders then instructed the Carleton & Yorks to continue the advance throughout the night. Its soldiers pushed across the Forme d’Aquino under cover of darkness and established a new position on the gully’s western side by first light May 18. As the 3rd Brigade had advanced beyond the formations on each  of its flanks, its units held their positions until 0900 hours, by which time Allied forces had once again established a straight defensive line.

The attack then resumed, the Royal 22e Régiment and the Carleton & Yorks advancing toward an area of high ground four kilometers west of the Forme d”Aquino. Control of the area was essential prior to an Allied attack on the Hitler Line. The operation commenced at 1130 hours May 18, the VanDoos leading the way with the Carleton & Yorks on their left and the West Novas in reserve.

While the New Brunswickers advanced through several vantage points with little opposition, they soon encountered heavy mortar, artillery and machine gun fire, which wounded three “other ranks” (OR). As evening arrived, the unit consolidated its position and awaited the arrival of tank support. Throughout the night, the location was subjected to steady artillery and mortar fire.

The attack resumed at 0800 hours May 19, the Carleton & Yorks once again on the left and the VanDoos on the right. A squadron from the 51st Royal Tank Regiment supported each battalion as it moved forward. The first stage of the operation called for the two units to advance to a north - south track about one kilometre in front of the Hitler Line. Once the German defences were breached, the second phase called for the 3rd Brigade to secure the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road behind the Hitler Line.

After an opening bombardment, the Carleton& Yorks’ “A” and “C” Companies led the attack’s first phase, securing the first objective with little resistance. As the men prepared for the second stage, heavy artillery. mortar and rocket fire struck their location. When the soldiers attempted to move forward, they encountered stiff resistance from snipers in trees and riflemen in a wooded area through which they had to pass.

Despite incurring casualties, the battalion continued forward, “B” and “D” Companies spearheading the attack with support from a tank squadron. As the two battalions emerged from woods in front of the Hitler Line, both were greeted by heavy, accurate machine gun fire. While the Carleton & Yorks prepared to resume the attack, the Royal 22e’s soldiers on the right encountered significant enemy resistance. In response, Allied commanders postponed any further advance.

The Carleton & Yorks set about consolidating their position atop the last ridge in front of the Hitler Line, approximately 800 meters from the first German defences. It was apparent that enemy forces intended to strongly resist any attempt to breach their positions, meaning that a significant artillery bombardment prior to an infantry attack would be required.

Meanwhile, German artillery and mortar fire rained down on the Carleton & Yorks’ location throughout the night. The unit later reported one officer wounded, eight “other ranks” (OR) killed and 20 OR wounded during the day’s action. The next two days were devoted to reorganization, patrolling, and reconnaissance as the Carleton & Yorks prepared for the attack’s final phase.

The unit’s war diary noted that May 20 was “particularly hard on the nerves, as the whole battalion area was plastered from dawn to dusk by mortars, “Nebelwerfers” [rocket-propelled explosives] and artillery of all calibres, killing five ORs and wounding 14.” The bombardment disrupted the evacuation of the previous day’s fatalities, as well as the day’s wounded.

Private Gordon Newell was among the day’s casualties, suffering a severe shrapnel  wound in the abdomen. Captain E. W. MacQuarrie, Carleton & York Chaplain, later sent a letter, dated May 31, 1944, to Mansfield and Lila, providing a detailed description of what transpired that day:

“During the day of the 20th of May, we had been brought to a halt a few hundred yards from the Hitler Line, which… we stormed and broke on the 23rd. The companies were ‘dug in’ in shallow slit trenches where they were mercilessly shelled all day long, as they had been also on the previous day.

“Rather late in the afternoon of the 20th, your son was brought in on a stretcher. I was just coming in, carrying a lad who had been killed and near the R. A. P. [Regimental Aid Post] we met the bearers with your son. One of those lads came over and whispered to me that if I wanted to see your son before he died, I had better hurry right in. I did so… [and later] learned that even when the lads were lifting him out of his slit trench, before he had had any morphine or sedative, he never so much as whispered.

“Entering the R. A. P., I went to him, and as soon as he saw me, he grasped me by the hand and said, ‘I believe every word you say.’ Well, I knew at once [what] he meant by that. He was referring, of course, to the beliefs deep within his soul, which he found represented so weakly by me, as a minister of Christ. I consoled him as best I could. Such a time is no time for trivialities, and our words on both sides were simple, deep and sincere. I tried to reassure him, a labour that I know was unnecessary, that he who died doing his duty, serving high and noble ideals, need have no fear….

“By and by he murmured to me, ‘I know I am not going to live.’ It would have been cruel to make light of his wounds and deny it. So I said, ‘If you do not live, is there anyone to whom you would like me to remember you?’ ‘Yes,’ he said, ‘my mother.’ ‘Is there special message you would want me to tell her?’ ’Tell her I love her.’

“On his birthday, May 14, we had had our last church service together. On Mother’s Day. And how his concern was for you. What a gallant little hero he was. Never a whisper, never a cry, never a restless movement. He knew whom he trusted and whom he loved and seemed content….

“Just then the doctor had to put a man to sleep in order to set and bandage his shattered arm. When he came to, we asked if he had a good sleep. He was surprised to learn that he had been under. His stretcher lay next to your son’s and your son overheard the words. He murmured something, and I turned around, and he said, so quiet and pathetically, ‘I wish you would put me to sleep too.’ Almost I longed to be able to do so….

“A few minutes later, the doctor [said] he was ready to evacuate him to the Field Ambulance. I was a bit surprised as I felt he had no chance, but the doctors helplessly and notably replied, ‘Far be it from me to decide if a man has a chance to live.’ Certainly he had no chance if we held him. So off he went quietly, and I am sure inwardly at peace, on his last ride. When he got to the Field Ambulance, a mile or so away. his spirit had gone home.

“A fellow padre, Captain Larry Wilmot… of the West Nova Scotia Regiment, buried him at the care post [near Pontecorvo] that evening. From there, his body will be later taken to a proper Canadian Military Cemetery and re-buried alongside his fellow soldiers.”

Enemy shelling diminished on May 21, allowing hot meals to be brought forward. Monte Cassino had fallen to Polish forces three days earlier and French units managed to penetrate the Gustav Line’s western flanks during the previous night, setting the stage for an Allied assault on the Hitler Line that commenced with a massive artillery bombardment at 0500 hours May 23.

The Carleton & Yorks crossed the start line 30 minutes later, following in the wake of an artillery barrage. By day’s end, the 3rd Infantry Brigade’s units had broken through the Hitler Line, creating a breach for the 5th Canadian Armoured Division to exploit. The 1st Canadian Infantry Division later reported 42 officer and 832 OR casualties during the day’s fighting. The Carleton & Yorks suffered one officer and 13 OR fatalities, along with 46 wounded OR. Two other soldiers later died of wounds received in the breakthrough.

On February 8, 1945, Private Gordon Newell was re-interred in Cassino Military Cemetery, Casino, Italy. His death at age 20 was the first of two losses for the family that year. Gordon’s father Mansfield passed away in a Dartmouth, NS, hospital on July 12, 1944, the cause of death identified as “chronic nephritis.”

Gordon’s younger brother Stanley served as a military policeman with the Canadian Provost Corps during the Second World War. He later married Elizabeth Janie “Beth” Hattie and established residence in New Glasgow, where Stan worked as a commercial painter and meat cutter. He passed away in Aberdeen Hospital, New Glasgow, on September 7, 2009.

Photograph of Private Gordon Melvin Newell and letter from Chaplain E. W. MacQuarrie to his parents courtesy of Gordon's niece, Sheila Newell-Fagan, New Glasgow, NS.

Private Bert MacIntosh Hattie—Killed in Action May 20, 1944

 Bert MacIntosh Hattie was born on July 12, 1918, the second of Robert Cumming and Margaret Ross (MacDonald) Hattie’s five children. While several documents in Bert’s service file identify his birthplace as Barney’s River, the estate form completed by his mother Margaret after his death states that he was born in St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish.

Private Bert MacIntosh Hattie

Nova Scotia’s Hattie families trace their roots to three MacHattie brothers—Alexander, George and William—who emigrated from Scotland to Nova Scotia in 1786. While the trio all landed in Halifax, they headed to different parts of the British colony. William settled in Barney’s River, Pictou County, while George made his way to Newport, Hants County.

Alexander, born around 1757, dropped the “Mac” from his surname sometime after arriving in British North America. He initially followed his brother William to Pictou County, where he settled in West River. Alexander later purchased a piece of land along the Antigonish - Sherbrooke Road and close to the St. Mary’s Cross Roads, a location known today as Aspen. A stonemason by trade, Alexander also operated a farm and lumber mill in the community.

In 1790, Alexander married Catherine McDonald, daughter of Joseph McDonald, a native of Crofton, Perthshire, Scotland. The McDonald family had initially immigrated to Rhode Island before relocating to Nova Scotia. Alexander and Catherine raised a family of 12 children—eight sons and four daughters—in their East River St. Marys home. In their later years, the couple resided in Glenelg with their youngest daughter Janet and her husband, David McKeen. Catherine passed away there on May 30, 1839, while Alexander died in 1842 at 85 years of age.

One of Alexander and Catherine’s sons, Daniel, was born in West River, Pictou County, on April 6, 1810, and married Mary MacQuarrie, a native of Scotland, on October 24, 1833. (Coincidentally, Mary’s sister Anne married Daniel’s brother John.) Daniel was also a stonemason by trade. He initially built a house in Denver but later relocated to Caledonia, where he constructed a second residence in 1844. Daniel passed away there on June 1, 1898.

Daniel and Mary’s son John Lauchlin Hattie was born in Upper Caledonia on August 19, 1826, and married Elizabeth Sutherland, Lower Caledonia, on February 13, 1862. One of John Lauchlin and Elizabeth’s sons, James Blake Hattie, entered the Presbyterian ministry and served as a missionary in China for a number of years. During his adult life, James restored the “Mac” to his surname. One of James Blake’s sons, Harvey Donald MacHattie, served as a Lieutenant with the West Nova Scotia Regiment during the Second World War.

Robert Cumming Hattie, the sixth of John Lauchlin and Elizabeth’s children and a brother to James Blake, was born on February 1, 1875. Robert learned the blacksmith’s trade and lived in Kenzieville, Pictou County, for a number of years. While working there, he met Margaret Ross MacDonald. The daughter of Janet “Jennie” (Gerrard) and Duncan MacDonald, Margaret was born in Rossfield on January 19, 1886.

Upon completing nursing studies in Jamaica Plains, MA, Margaret had returned to Nova Scotia, where she worked as a nurse midwife in Pictou, Guysborough and Antigonish Counties, often in the company of a Dr. Chisholm. Robert and Margaret were married on June 16, 1915, and first established residence in the Barney’s River area. Their eldest son, James Homer, was born there on August 7, 1916.

Over the following years, four more children joined the Hattie household—Bert, Robert Gerrard (June 11, 1922), John Duncan “Jack” (August 2, 1924), and Jean Elizabeth (April 19, 1929). Sometime prior to the 1931 Canadian census, Robert Sr. moved the family back to Upper Caledonia, where he pursued farming and lumbering. The Hatties resided in a large house that formerly served as the Presbyterian Manse. Sadly, young Jean Elizabeth passed away there on April 30, 1936, the cause identified on her death certificate as “acute nephritis.”

Bert MacIntosh Hattie left school at age 16, and worked on the family farm and in the local woods for several years. In the spring of 1941, “truckman” Lloyd Chestnut, Stellarton, hired Bert as a “helper.” Bert’s age at the time—he celebrated his 23nd birthday in early 1941—made him an ideal candidate for military service. On July 31, 1941, he completed a National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA) enlistment form at New Glasgow, NS, and was attached to No. 61 Training Centre, New Glasgow, for basic training.

Upon completing his introduction to military service, Bert reported to Camp Aldershot for advanced infantry training on October 1, 1941. In early December 1941, he was assigned to the Pictou Highlanders’ active personnel list. As a Canadian militia unit, its soldiers were eligible for service in Canada only.

On February 3, 1942, Bert enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force, making him eligible for overseas service, He completed a Class III wheeled drivers’ course in the spring of 1942 and spent four months in Halifax before travelling to Sussex Camp, NB, for further training on December 3, 1942.

Bert returned to Halifax in early January 1943 and remained there for nine months, On October 8, 1943, he was “struck off strength” by the Pictou Highlanders and reported to No. 1 Transit Camp, Windsor, NS. He departed for overseas on November 25, 1943, and landed in the United Kingdom six days later. Shortly afterward, he changed his “next of kin” from his father Robert to his mother, Mrs. Margaret Hattie, Caledonia, Guysborough County.

Canadian infantry units had been fighting in Italy since July 1943. Allied progress in the campaign was a slow, grinding affair that created an increasing demand for reinforcements. On February 17, 1944, Bert was assigned to the Mediterranean Theatre reinforcement pool and departed for Italy the following day. Placed on the West Nova Scotia Regiment’s reinforcement list, he was assigned to its active combat roster on March 11, 1944, and joined the unit in the field shortly afterward.

In 1936, the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments—two local militia units—amalgamated to form the West Nova Scotia Regiment. The unit officially mobilized for overseas service on September 1, 1939, and was assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Brigade. Throughout the war, the “West Novas” served alongside the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec’s VanDoos) and the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick).

The West Novas departed for the United Kingdom in December 1939 and spent three and a half years training and serving in various “home defence” roles. In early July 1943, the 1st Canadian Division departed for the Mediterranean theatre as part of a large Allied force that landed in Sicily on July 10. Throughout the following month, Canadian soldiers fought alongside British, Commonwealth and American units, clearing Italian and German forces from the island by mid-August.

On September 3, 1943, the 1st Canadian Division landed at Reggio on the Italian mainland’s southernmost tip. Throughout the autumn of 1943, its units fought its way northward through the central area of the Italian peninsula. Before year’s end, tts Canadians liberated the town of Ortona, located on the Adriatic coast. The West Nova Scotia Regiment served in sectors north of Ortona throughout the early months of 1944, a time period during which both sides held their positions. Each side dispatched regular night-time patrols, probing their opponent’s defences and seeking to capture prisoners for interrogation.

Private Bert MacIntosh Hattie joined the West Novas’ ranks in mid-March and spent five weeks in the Adriatic sector. On April 21, 1944, an Indian army unit relieved the battalion and its soldiers moved out to the Campobasso region, approximately 150 kilometers northeast of Naples, for a period of rest and training. Early the following month, personnel exchanged their winter battle-dress for khaki denims as temperatures began to rise.

On May 12, 1944, Bert wrote a letter to his mother Margaret during the break from front line service. Its content makes no mention of his military circumstances at the time. Rather, Bert focused on recent communication with family members:

“The day before yesterday, I got a big parcel from you and I think that calls for a letter anyway, or for as much as time will permit. And yesterday along came another big parcel from Jack [Bert’s younger brother] so you see the mailman has been pretty good to me. They couldn’t have come at a better time….

“I had a lot of mail when I got around to answer[ing] any this time and there are still quite a few coming in so the pile is coming down slowly…. I have three air graphs and an ordinary letter from Dad to answer yet. I hope he doesn’t think I’ve given up writing but I’ll look after them real soon.

“The parcel, Mother, was in very good shape when it got here. Only the crackers were broken a little and that didn’t hurt them any, and oh boy is the honey ever good. It’s a long time since I had honey in the army ha ha. In fact it is… heard tell of only when someone is wishing they had some.

“I hope Homer [Bert’s oldest brother] likes it in Moncton. He said Newfie was a rocky, barren-looking place, well it is all of that in lots of places…. Well Mother thanks a million for the nice parcel and the best in the world to you. Love, Bert.”

The West Novas soldiers resting and training in the Campobasso area were unaware of impending war plans. Canadian units would soon be engaged in their first campaign on the Italian peninsula’s western side. While American units had landed at Anzio Beach in late January 1944, hoping to outflank their German opponents and force their retreat, a superior enemy force prevented them from expanding beyond a small beach-head. In response, Allied commanders decided to have British, Canadian and Commonwealth forces pursue a second path northward, toward the Italian capital of Rome.

The Liri Valley lies approximately 75 kilometers inland from the Tyrrhenian Sea, which is located along Italy’s western coast. The Liri  River runs through the valley’s western edge in a northwesterly direction toward Rome. The entrance to the valley stretches for approximately 30 kilometers from the Lepini Mountains on its western side to the main chain of the Apennine Mountains on its eastern side. Atop the eastern ridge sat a  monastery, named after the town of Cassino below it. “Monte Cassino” provided German forces with an excellent view of Allied forces as they assembled along the valley entrance.

In anticipation of an Allied offensive, German forces had constructed two defensive lines in the Liri Valley. The first, called the Gustav Line, was located in the region of Pignatoro, while a second major series of fortifications, located several kilometres up the valley near Pontecorvo, formed the Hitler Line. Streams ran from the mountains into the valley on both sides, carving deep gullies that impeded the progress of tanks and armoured vehicles. Thick shrubs and bushes along their banks provided perfect cover for anti-tank and anti-personnel weapons.

The Allied attack commenced on May 11, 1944, with French, British and Indian units advancing as far as the Gustav Line on the first day. While Polish forces on the eastern flank struggled to dislodge German units atop Monte Cassino, Allied commanders focused on the central and western sections of the line, where further progress appeared possible.

On May 15, Canadian units made their way into support areas behind the Allied line’s western sector. The West Nova Scotia Regiment travelled from Bucciano aboard motor transport and arrived in an assembly area near Pignatoro around midnight May 15/16. Shortly afterward, the unit received orders to enter the front lines in relief of two Indian and two British companies the following day.

The West Nova war diary described the situation on the morning of May 16:

”The Liri valley and especially Monte Cassino and the Monastery were well smoked [by Allied artillery smoke shells] and some difficulty was experienced by everyone in finding the location of the battalion we were to relieve…. [U]nder heavy shelling and mortar fire[,] the relief was successfully completed by 2100 hours [May 16]. Morale was high and everyone in good spirits at the thought of really getting going again after the long weary months on the Ortona front.”

Spread out in front of the West Novas’ position lay the remainder of the Gustav Line’s defences—a series of slit trenches, fortified houses, machine-gun and mortar pits. The unit prepared to attack the enemy positions at 0630 hours May 17. “A hot breakfast was brought up and under intermittent shelling and mortar fire the rifle companies formed up along the Pignatoro road…. At 1030 hours [May 17] the order at last came through to attack.”

All four West Nova companies crossed the start line in perfect order and captured numerous prisoners during the advance’s first few hundred meters. One “D” Company platoon lost its bearings and two others “overshot the objective,” luckily passing through a supporting artillery barrage with few casualties. The remaining platoons quickly reached their targets and consolidated their positions.

Tanks supporting the advance had encountered a ditch about 300 meters from the start line and lagged behind the infantry. The vehicles soon caught up and assisted in establishing a new front line. “Resistance was slight and most of the casualties were caused by shelling and mortar fire….” According to the unit’s war diary, “fairly heavy shelling… continued until after dark, at which time the rifle companies moved forward about two miles [three kilometers] to form a firm base from where the Carleton and Yorks [their New Brunswick Brigade mates] could advance the next morning.”

The following day—May 18—German forces quickly withdrew to the Hitler Line. The 3rd Brigade moved forward with little resistance, encountering only artillery and mortar fire. Upon reaching a designated location, the West Novas once again dug in under mortar fire, forming a line through which the Carleton and York Regiment could once again pass and continue the advance.

On May 19, the West Novas withdrew to the vicinity of the 3rd Brigade’s rear battalion, where the men received a hot meal. At 0830 hours, the unit formed up once more and moved out under heavy mortar and artillery shelling, relieving the Royal 22e Régiment, whose men had endured heavy enfilade throughout the morning. The West Novas once again dug in under intense mortar, artillery and machine gun fire. Rain commenced around 1600 hours, making conditions increasingly uncomfortable.

The rain and enemy fire continued into the following day as hot meals were once again brought forward to the men in the morning. By early afternoon, the sun broke through as the battalion continued to hold its position. While rumours of imminent relief circulated on May 21, no such instructions arrived. As the day passed, mortar and artillery shells continued to bombard the West Novas’ location.

Finally, on May 22, the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) relieved the West Novas during the afternoon hours as German forces withdrew to the Hitler Line. The Nova Scotians had spent six hard days in the line. During that time, the battalion recorded 23 fatalities among its ranks. While the majority occurred during the May 17 advance, persistent mortar and artillery shelling inflicted daily losses. Private Bert MacIntosh Hattie was one of the men lost during the combat tour, killed by enemy shelling on May 20, 1944.

Bert was initially buried in a Pontecorvo cemetery on the day of his death, his grave marked by a wooden cross. Several days later, Margaret received a telegram from military authorities, informing her that her son had been killed in action. On February 8, 1945, Bert’s remains were re-interred in Cassino Military Cemetery, Cassino, Italy.

Two of Bert’s Hattie cousins were in uniform overseas at the time of his death. Harvey Donald MacHattie, son of Janet Sutherland Macdonald and Reverend James Blake MacHattie—a younger brother to Robert Cumming Hattie—enlisted with the Royal Canadian Engineers Corps on June 6, 1942—by coincidence, his 22nd birthday—and commenced service with the commissioned rank of 2nd Lieutenant. Harvey departed from the United Kingdom in late March 1943 and was initially assigned to an engineering field squadron attached to the 4th Canadian Armoured Division.

In late July 1944, Harvey returned to the 1st Canadian Engineers Reinforcement Unit and was placed on the Mediterranean Theater reinforcement list two months later. Assigned to the West Nova Scotia Regiment on November 21, 1944, he joined the unit in Italy in mid-December.  Tragically, Harvey died of wounds received while on duty on January 27, 1945.

A second cousin, Edna Christina Margaret Hattie, was also in the United Kingdom at the time of Bert’s death. Edna was the daughter of Joseph Wilfred Hattie, another of John Lauchlin and Elizabeth Hattie’s sons. Wilfred married Isabel MacGregor Keir. Their daughter Edna was born in Caledonia, Guysborough County, on October 13, 1914. Edna completed nursing studies at the Royal Victoria Hospital, Montreal, QC, graduating in 1937. After working at the “Royal Vic” for several years, Edna returned to university, earning a certificate in Public Health Nursing from McGill University in 1940.

Edna worked as a Public Health nurse at the Royal Vic for two years. On September 18, 1942, she enlisted  with the Canadian Army Medical Corps at Halifax and received the commissioned rank of Lieutenant. Edna served in Canada for 18 months and departed for overseas on January 22, 1944. Upon arriving in the United Kingdom, she spent time on with No. 12 and No. 13 Canadian General Hospitals before departing for the Mediterranean Theatre on July 16, 1944.

Upon arriving in Italy, Edna was assigned to No. 14 Canadian General Hospital (CGH), whose initial personnel were recruited in Montreal, QC. With the exception of a week’s service with No. 5 CGH, she remained with No. 14 for the duration of her time in the Mediterranean theatre.

No. 14 CGH had arrived in Italy in mid-November 1943 after a harrowing journey. German U-boats sunk the vessel on which its personnel were travelling, forcing all passengers to abandon ship. Fortunately, all on board survived the experience. After landing in Naples, the unit established operations at Caserta, where it remained for eight months. From August 1944 to March 1945—the time period that corresponded with Edna’s Italian service—No. 14 CGH established operations in an abandoned tobacco factory located in Perugia, north of Rome.

In early April 1945, the hospital’s personnel returned to the United Kingdom. Edna departed for Canada on July 20, 1945, and joined the staff of Montreal Military Hospital after her arrival. On August 19, 1946, she was officially discharged from the RCAMC, but remained part of the unit’s reserve. She worked for the Department of Veterans Affairs for several years and later taught in the Royal Vic’s nurse training program. Late in life, Edna married Claude Fairfield, an American soldier whom she met while nursing overseas. She passed away in St. Petersburg, Florida, on November 24, 1976.

Bert’s younger brother Robert Gerrard “Bob” Hattie also served in uniform. Bob enlisted with the Royal Canadian Air Force and completed pilot training in Canada. Upon arriving overseas, Bob was assigned to 440 Squadron (RCAF), a fighter bomber unit based in Ayr, Scotland. The unit’s pilots flew Typhoon aircraft and were given the task of “softening up” German defenses in France prior to D-Day. After the Normandy invasion, the squadron provided close support to ground forces, dive-bombing and strafing German strong points, bridges, rail and road traffic.

On two occasions, Bob was forced to evacuate his aircraft after it was hit by enemy anti-aircraft fire. A news item in the August 3, 1944 edition of the Antigonish Casket described one of the incidents:

“A recent news report from the Normandy front contains the story of a Guysborough County airman who was forced to bail out of his burning aircraft while flying over Normandy. He is Flying Officer Robert G. Hattie, Lower Caledonia, who is flying in a Typhoon fighter-bomber squadron. The squadron was in a dive-bombing operation against heavily defended railway marshalling yards at Aunay-sur-Odon, far behind the German lines. Hattie, however, landed behind the Allied lines and within twelve hours was on his way back to England to rejoin his squadron.”

After returning to Canada, Bob married and raised a family in Rivière Qui Barre, northwest of Edmonton, AB. He passed away there on September 24, 2009.

James Homer, the oldest of the Hattie brothers, commenced a career in civil aviation prior to the outbreak of war in Europe. Hired by Trans Canada Airlines, Winnipeg, MB, as a “helper” in 1938, Homer advanced to the position of mechanic in 1939. He subsequently completed pilot training at Parks Air College, St. Louis, MO, and returned to Canada.

In February 1941, Homer was promoted to First Officer. Transferred to TCA’s Toronto operations in April 1942, he advanced to the rank of Captain in September 1943. Homer was stationed in Newfoundland for short period of time, after which he was transferred to TCA’s Moncton, NB, operations in February 1944.

On September 2, 1946, Homer and First Officer Kenneth David Moreland, Saul Ste., Marie, ON, were conducting a test flight on a twin-engine Lodestar aircraft. After take-off, the plane climbed to a height of 60 meters when it suddenly lost altitude and crashed to the ground. Eye-witnesses reported that one of the aircraft’s two motors appeared to stall as the plane was gaining altitude, causing it to plunge to earth. The two pilots, the aircraft’s only occupants, were killed in the incident.

Margaret Ross Hattie passed away at Victoria General Hospital, Halifax, on April 5, 1958, after a year-long battle with cancer. Her husband Robert lived in the Caledonia family home from spring to autumn and spent the winter months with his youngest son Jack in Kentville. Robert passed away in Blanchard Fraser Memorial Hospital, Kentville, on December 16, 1963. Both Margaret and Robert were laid to rest in a family plot in Bethel Presbyterian Church Cemetery, Caledonia, alongside their son Homer and daughter Jean.

Special thanks to Brenda Hattie, Salmon River Bridge, NS, who provided a picture of her uncle Bert and extensive information on the Second World War service of Bert's siblings and cousins.