Private John Malcolm Crooks—Died of Sickness July 30, 1944

 John Malcolm Crooks was born in Wine Harbour, Guysborough County, on July 23, 1885, the youngest of four sons born to James Reuben and Mary Mills (Robinson) Crooks. Reuben was the son of Matthew and Mary Crooks, Wine Harbour, while Mary was the daughter of Malcolm and Experience Robinson, Indian Harbour. The couple were married at St. Mary’s, Guysborough County, on December 18, 1879.

Veterans Guard of Canada cap badge

At the time of the 1881 Canadian census, 29-year-old Reuben and 28-year-old Mary were living in Indian Harbour, where Reuben was employed as a fisherman. Their household consisted of their first child, Simon H. (DOB October 18, 1880), Reuben’s mother Mary, age 68, and Reuben’s older brother Stephen, age 40.

Sometime during the 1880s, the Crooks family relocated to Westville, Pictou County, where Reuben worked as a “truck man.” By 1891, three more sons had joined the household—William Thomas (DOB January 26, 1881), Benjamin Stanley (DOB May 29, 1884) and John Malcolm. Reuben’s brother Stephen, also employed as a “truck man,” still resided with his younger brother.

By 1901, the family had returned to Indian Harbour, where Reuben resumed work in the local fishery. Tragically, Mary Crooks passed away on December 19, 1904, at 59 years of age. Four years later, Reuben married Maud Milbury, a 47-year-old widow and daughter of Sophia and John Keizer, Peggy’s Cove, Halifax County. At the time of the 1911 census, Reuben and Maud were living in Wine Harbour. Their household included Maud’s eight children—four sons and four daughters—from her first marriage to William Milbury.

All four of Reuben’s sons had left home prior to the decennial census. Simon, the oldest, had relocated to Cobalt, Ontario, where he worked as a carpenter while residing with his maternal uncle Obin Robinson and his wife Rebecca. The two “middle sons” departed for the United States at unknown dates. William eventually established residence in Providence, Rhode Island, while Stanley settled in Cromwell, Connecticut.

The whereabouts of Malcolm, the youngest of the Crooks boys, at the time of the 1911 census is uncertain. He left school around 1902 at age 17, having completed Grade VIII, and may have departed the local area shortly afterward. Information in his Second World War service file suggests that he had moved to Halifax, but there is no record of Malcolm in the city’s census records.

Reuben Crooks passed away suddenly in Wine Harbour on October 29, 1916. Coincidentally, his second wife Maud had died a month earlier. Based on information in later documents, around August 1917 Malcolm joined his oldest brother Simon in North Cobalt. Within six months of his arrival, he was instructed to report for a compulsory medical examination under the  terms of the Military Service Act (1917).

On February 11, 1918, Malcolm travelled to North Bay, 145 kilometers south of Cobalt, where he completed the required examination. A little more than one month later—March 18—he was conscripted into military service at Hamilton, ON, and reported to Camp Niagara for training. At the time of his enlistment, Malcolm was employed as a “clerk and cook.” Another document in his service file described his line of work as “salesman and demonstrator.” He identified his eldest brother Simon, North Cobalt, as his next of kin.

During his brief time in uniform, Malcolm was plagued with several health issues. On March 30, he was admitted to Hamilton Military Hospital with a headache, severe cough, chest pains and fever. He had been ill for several days before reporting to hospital. Attending medical staff identified the issue as a case of bronchitis.

Discharged to duty on April 8, Malcolm returned to hospital the same day for treatment of an “old contract wound, testicle.” After three days, he was once again sent back to military camp, where he remained for approximately six weeks. On May 27, he returned to Hamilton Military Hospital for a “cystoscopic examination” of his bladder and left kidney. After ordering an X-ray and urine test, medical staff could find no sign of kidney infection.

Malcolm was once again discharged to duty on June 11, but by that time military authorities were concerned about his fitness for service. A “Medical History of An Invalid” form, completed at Niagara Camp, ON, on June 20, identified a “tuberculous testicle” as the source of the problem. According to information in the document, seven years earlier Malcolm had undergone surgery in Halifax to remove his left testicle. Following the operation, he began to experience neuritis—nerve pain—and swelling in his left groin after walking. He was also unable to take long steps.

As might be anticipated, military drill significantly exacerbated the problem. Malcolm was “unable to march for more than a half mile without extreme pain. [This] incapacity [was] due to [the] partial loss of function of [his] left leg.” The reported concluded that Malcolm’s disability was permanent and recommended that he be discharged as “unfit.”

A Medical Board convened at Camp Niagara on June 24, 1918, accepted the assessment and ordered that Malcolm “be placed in Category ‘E’ and… discharged because of a disability pre-enlistment, and not due to, nor aggravated by service.” On July 25, 1918, Malcolm was officially discharged from military service due to a “disability pre-enlistment” and immediately returned to North Cobalt.

On November 12, 1918, 33-year-old Malcolm married 30-year-old Muriel Rebecca Robinson, daughter of Alexander Robinson and Ida Chapman, Shelburne, NS. While the marriage took place in Cobalt, Muriel resided in Halifax prior to the ceremony, suggesting that she had met Malcolm while he was living there. Malcolm’s brother Simon was his “best man” and a witness for the occasion.

The newlyweds established residence in North Cobalt, where Malcolm held a variety of jobs over the next 24 years. He was employed as a “section man” on the Cobalt Street Railway for two years, after which he worked for one year on the “concentrate tables” and four years as a “hoist man” in the Cobalt mine. By the late 1920s, Malcolm had returned to the retail sector, where he worked as a “clerk and window dresser” in a dry goods store for eight years.

From 1936 to 1940, Malcolm was employed as a cook, after which he established his own upholstery and mattress-making business. His Second World War service file also states that he was a music teacher from approximately 1927 to 1942, but provides no details as to the nature of his musical talents. Overall, Malcolm had an impressively diverse experience in the work force.

Malcolm and Muriel experienced more than their share of tragedy during their years in the Cobalt area. Their first son, Percy Murdock, died at birth on September 9, 1919. A second son, Russell Malcolm, joined the family on January 14, 1921, and the couple later adopted a daughter, Iris Muriel, who was born July 14, 1934. That year same, the family relocated to Haileybury, just north of North Cobalt, on the shores of Lake Temiskaming.

On September 7, 1935, 14-year-old Russell Crooks was driving his bicycle along a local Haileybury road when he was struck by a passing motor vehicle. Rushed to Haileybury Hospital with a “fracture of skull and allied injuries,” he succumbed to his injuries before day’s end. Russell was laid to rest in Mount Pleasant Cemetery, Haileybury. The following year, Malcolm’s brother Simon passed away on November 12, 1936, at 56 years of age, the result of cerebral thrombosis.

While Malcolm was far too old to enlist for active service after the outbreak of the Second World War in Europe, subsequent events created an opportunity to serve his country in another capacity. The rapid German invasion of Western Europe in May 1940 put pressure on Canadian military authorities to accelerate preparations for war. In particular, it became a priority to ensure that all qualified men were available for overseas service. The Royal Canadian Legion also urged the Canadian government to give the country’s many First World War veterans an opportunity to contribute to the war effort at home.

In response to these pressures, the Canadian government announced the formation of the “Veterans Home Guard” on May 23, 1940. Based upon the British Home Guard already operating in the United Kingdom, the plan was to use the country’s First World War veterans to guard military properties across the country, freeing younger men to serve overseas. In particular, the veterans could relieve the Canadian Provost Corps—the Canadian Army’s military police—from guard duty at internment and prisoner of war camps established across the country.

The Veterans Home Guard would consist of volunteers who had served during the First World War. The age limit was initially set at 50 but later expanded to 55 years of age. The men were expected to meet the army’s basic physical standards and would serve under the same obligations as active combat soldiers. The Department of National Defence initially approved the formation of 12 companies, each consisting of 250 men. The men would wear battle dress and carry weapons while on duty.

While approximately 25,000 First World War veterans volunteered before the end of the year, many were rejected based on age or medical condition. In September 1940, the unit’s name was changed to Veterans Guard of Canada (VGC). By the following spring, the VGC consisted of approximately 6,500 men divided into 29 companies, while another 4,000 men were part-time volunteers in reserve companies across the country.

The VGC protected critical infrastructure and wartime industries. The aluminum smelting operation at Arvida, QC, was one such example. After Japan entered the war in December 1941, VGC companies assisted with coastal defence and guarded RCAF bases in British Columbia. Its personnel also protected airfields in Newfoundland and several select companies guarded Canadian Military Headquarters in London, England, conducted garrison duty in the Bahamas, and protected bauxite-laden ships in British Guiana.

Perhaps the Guard’s most important role was the supervision of 26 internment and prisoner of war camps, a responsibility it assumed in May 1941. As the war progressed, approximately 34,000 German POWs were interred in Canada. VGC personnel operated the guard towers, carried out inspections and supervised daily activities at the camps, many of which were located in remote areas.

At its peak in June 1943, the VGC consisted of 451 officers and 9,806 other ranks. A total of more than 15,000 First World War veterans served with its 37 regular and three special-duty companies during the war. A May 1945 assessment estimated that the Guard had “directly or indirectly” ensured the provision of the equivalent of a full infantry division for overseas service.

On March 23, 1942, John Malcolm Crooks enlisted with the Veterans Guard of Canada at Haileybury. At the time, he identified his occupation as “upholsterer, mattress maker and cook” and named his wife, Muriel Rebecca Crooks, as his next of kin. Malcolm initially served with No. 27 Company, VGC, but was transferred to No. 15 Company, New Toronto, on April 30.

Two weeks later, Malcolm was assigned to the University Armouries Guard, Toronto, where he served for two weeks. Given his age at the time—he was 57 years old—active physical duty likely presented a challenge. On August 24, Malcolm was selected as a candidate for a cooking course at No. 2 Vocational Training School, Toronto, Wing. He started the two-month training program on September 14 and impressed his instructors. A comment in Malcolm’s service file described him in these words: “High standards; co-operative; always open to new ideas. He is a very fine type of man and a good Official Mess Cook.”

On November 20, Malcolm returned to No. 15 Company, which was now stationed in Walkerville, a suburb of Windsor, ON, and served there—likely as a mess cook—through the winter of 1942-43. On April 30, 1943, Malcolm was reposted to Internment Camp 40, Farnham, QC, 65 kilometers east of Montreal, “for employment as a cook.”

Initially known as “Camp A,” the Farnham internment camp was located on the site of a former agricultural experimental station. It commenced operation in October 1940 and initially housed civilian internees and refugees from the United Kingdom. Temporarily closed in January 1942, the camp re-opened three months later to accommodate “Enemy Merchant Seamen” (EMS). Before year’s end, the men were transferred to a camp in Sherbrooke, their place taken by German combat officers and a small number of “other ranks” who served as their orderlies (“batmen”). 

The camp was closed briefly in June 1943 for two months before once again re-opening as an officers’ camp. At its maximum, the camp housed more than 200 German POWs. Its residents were provided with the opportunity to take a variety of courses of instruction offered by a staff of 30 teachers. The men also built a variety of recreational facilities and organized a band and theatre group. The camp remained active until June 1946, by which time its internees had returned to Europe. Its buildings, fences and guard towers were then dismantled and the property returned to civilian use.

Malcolm served as a mess cook at Camp 40 until late October 1943, when he was transferred to the Royal Canadian Army Service Corps (RCASC). He continued to serve as a “mess cook” until mid-May 1944, when he was transferred to No. 12 Company, VGC. By that time, authorities were concerned with Malcolm’s age and physical condition.

On June 15, 1944, Malcolm was posted to the Rehabilitation Wing, No. 2 Military District Depot, Toronto, for discharge. A note in his service file provides an explanation:

“Pte. Crooks had been employed in the Army as a cook. Due to his age which he admits is 59 and his physical condition he is being returned to civilian life. Crooks has worked at quite a number of jobs in his time but apparently has always managed to keep busy. It is his desire and ambition to take a special course in cooking which will qualify him for cooking in a D.P. & N.H. or civilian hospital. Before he can do this he has to have a hernia operation. As this will take considerable time[,] it will be towards the end of the year before this man will be able to start work. If the plans that Crooks has made for himself are followed out[,] he should have no difficulty in re-establishing himself [in civilian life].”

A second comment in Malcolm’s file described several other employment options after discharge: “Will either return to his own business of upholsterer or take up poultry or rabbit farming. Has the necessary land for the latter venture. All depends on his general health.”

Indeed, within weeks of the above words being written, Malcolm experienced a medical crisis. In the aftermath of surgery to repair a hernia, he suffered a massive pulmonary embolism (sudden blockage in a lung artery) and a thrombosis (blood clot) in his left femoral (thigh) vein. He died in Christie St. Hospital, Toronto, on July 30, 1944. A later ruling by a military pension board concluded that, while the condition that caused his death “was incurred during service in Canada… [it] did not arise out of, nor was it directly connected with military service.”

Private John Malcolm Crooks was laid to rest beside his young son Russell in Mount Pleasant Cemetery, Haileybury, ON. His wife Muriel spent her remaining years in Haileybury, where she died in 1965 and was buried beside her husband and son.

Private Joseph Leo "Joe" McNeary—Died of Wounds July 28, 1944

 Joseph Leo “Joe” McNeary was born in Canso, Guysborough County, on February 9, 1924, the youngest of Walter Dennis and Mary (Maney) McNeary’s three children. Walter was also a Canso native, the son of Patrick McNeary and Martha Hanlon, while Mary was born in Guysborough Intervale, the daughter of Charles Maney and Mary Knocton. The couple married in Star of the Sea Church, Canso, on March 15, 1917.

Private Joseph Leo McNeary visiting Canso prior to departing for overseas

Two daughters—Mary Martha (1917) and Stella Margaret (October 14, 1919) joined the McNeary family prior to Joe’s birth. Joe attended school until age 15, leaving “because of [an unidentified] illness.” He chose not to return after recovering, as he “preferred fishing” with his uncle.

After four years working in the inshore fishery, Joe was “called up” for compulsory military training under the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA) on August 18, 1943. The 1940 Canadian law established a nation-wide registration system for men of military service age, along with an initial six-week training program. While young men could be “conscripted” into home defence duties upon completing the course, many chose to voluntarily enlist once called to service.

Such was the case with Joe, who attested for service with the Canadian Army on August 21, 1943. Two weeks later, he was assigned to No. 60 Canadian Army (Basic) Training Centre, Yarmouth, where he received his introduction to military service. He remained there until mid-February 1944, when he was transferred to the 1st Canadian Training Brigade, Debert, NS, for additional drill and instruction.

Joe departed for overseas on April 5, 1944, and disembarked in the United Kingdom one week later. He immediately reported to No. 4 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), where he spent only 10 days before being transferred to the 12th Battalion, Canadian Base Reinforcement Group, on April 22, 1944.

Joe arrived overseas at a time when the Canadian Army was faced an increasing demand for infantry reinforcements. The 1st Canadian Division had landed in Sicily in July 1943 as part of a large Allied force that fought its way northward up the Italian peninsula throughout the ensuing nine months. In the spring of 1944, Allied forces in the United Kingdom were completing preparations for an invasion of German-occupied France. The only question was whether Joe was destined for Italy or France.

The answer came on May 28, 1944, when Joe was assigned to the North Nova Scotia Highlanders (NNSH). Initially established as a machine gun unit in 1936 following the amalgamation of militia units from Cumberland, Colchester and Hants Counties, the North Nova Scotia Regiment established its headquarters in Amherst after the outbreak of war overseas.

The unit was subsequently re-designated an infantry battalion and assigned to the 3rd Canadian Division’s 9th Brigade, where it served alongside the Highland Light Infantry of Canada (Waterloo, ON) and Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders (Cornwall, ON). The “North Novas” departed for overseas on July 18, 1941, and spent almost three years training and supporting British “home defence” efforts.

Private Joseph Leo McNeary joined the unit as its ranks completed final preparations for an impending invasion of German-occupied France. On June 3, 1944, the North Novas broke camp and travelled to Southampton, where they boarded a ship and awaited further orders while anchored off nearby Netley. The flotilla of vessels assembled in the inlet moved out to open sea at 1400 hours June 5 and “formed up” in preparation for departure, their precise destination still a mystery.

On June 6, 1944, the first wave of British, American and Commonwealth units came ashore on the beaches of Normandy, France, at approximately 0800 hours. Infantry units from the 3rd Canadian Division’s 7th and 8th Brigades landed on Juno Beach, where they successfully established a beach-head. At 1140 hours—one hour later than planned—the 9th Brigade’s North Novas boarded landing craft and headed toward a beach near Bernières-sur-Mer, slightly east of the main Juno Beach landings.

After gathering in an assembly area near the village in late afternoon, the battalion moved out toward its D-Day objective—an airfield near Carpiquet, on the outskirts of Caen. Over the next 24 hours, the inexperienced soldiers advanced almost 16 kilometers to the outskirts of Authie, less than five kilometers from their target. Allied units on both flanks, however, failed to keep pace with the advance, leaving the men exposed to enemy attack.

In late afternoon June 7, German infantry and armoured forces launched a series of counter-attacks near Authie, inflicting significant casualties on the North Novas’ ranks. What remained of its forward personnel retreated to Villons-les-Buissons, where the 9th Brigade established defensive positions. The North Novas’ war diary reported 10 “other ranks” (OR) killed, three officers and 27 OR wounded, and a shocking 195 OR ranks missing after the battalion’s first full day in Normandy.

The North Novas spent the next month in the vicinity of Villons-les-Buissons, rebuilding their ranks as Allied commanders developed plans for a break-out from the Normandy beach-head. On July 7, units began preparations for “Operation Charnwood,” the first phase of the plan. The North Novas were assigned the task of capturing Authie, the village where so many of their comrades were lost exactly one month before. Once the village was secured, the unit was to send out patrols to nearby Franqueville.

The Allied attack commenced at 0600 hours July 8 with a heavy aerial bombardment of German positions. The 8th British Division completed the first phase—the capture of Galamanche—by 0800 hours. One hour later, the second stage commenced, the North Novas following their 9th Brigade mates as they attacked Buron. The village was secured by 1045 hours, at which time the NNSH’s soldiers gathered in an orchard south of the location.

As the men awaited orders to advance toward Authie, German mortar fire and a nearby 88-mm gun shelled their location, inflicting significant casualties. The battalion finally moved out at 1530 hours, encountering heavy German shelling in addition to significant infantry and tank resistance. The soldiers nevertheless pressed forward and secured the village.

Around 1830 hours, the 7th Canadian Brigade passed through the North Novas’ lines and moved onward toward Cussy. As its units made progress, pressure on the Nova Scotians diminished considerably. The North Novas remained in Authie for the remainder of the day, one of its Companies establishing positions in Franqueville. According to the unit’s war diary, a total of nine officer and 192 other rank casualties occurred during the day’s fighting.

The following day, the remainder of the battalion moved forward to Franqueville during the morning and advanced to Vinot under heavy mortar fire later in the day. Simultaneously, other Allied units advanced into the western suburbs of Caen. A total of four officer and 61 OR reinforcements joined the unit as civilians welcomed the Nova Scotians “in a true French manner[,] appearing very pleased to see Allied troops in their presence.”

The North Novas remained in Vinot for several days, consolidating their defences amidst spasmodic artillery and mortar fire. Late in the evening of July 14, its personnel withdrew to Anisy for a three-day rest. Companies encamped “in old slit trenches… modified… for their needs” as the unit cleaned up during a welcome break from the forward area.

On July 17, the NNSH was informed of an impending attack on Faubourg de Vaucelles, located across the Orne River on the southern outskirts of Caen. The battalion moved out to an assembly area between Buron and Les Buissons at 1130 hours and commenced preparations for combat scheduled for the following day.

Prior to the attack, the North Novas would have to cross two Bailey bridges erected by Canadian engineers across a canal and the Orne River. Personnel rehearsed the maneuver during the day while Commanding Officer (CO) Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Petch met with the unit’s officers to review plans for the impending attack.

At 2330 hours, personnel moved out on foot to an assembly area along the Canal de Caen northeast of the city, where they settled in for the night. Aerial bombardment of the Canadian objectives commenced at 0700 hours July 18. One hour later, the 9th Brigade’s Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders crossed the two structures, dubbed “London Bridge” by the Canadian engineers who had assembled them,

The North Novas were across the Orne by 0900 hours and formed up behind the 8th Brigade, which was responsible for the operation’s first phase—clearing enemy forces from an industrial area along the river bank. The 8th Brigade’s Régiment de la Chaudière, however, was quickly pinned down by enemy machine gun fire, forcing commanders to revise the battle plan. The 8th Brigade remained in the factory area, “cleaning up” enemy resistance, while the NNSH advanced through its ranks and attacked Faubourg de Vaucelles.

The main advance was delayed for two hours as bulldozers repaired bomb craters, creating a route for vehicles to pass through the factory area. In the meantime, the NNSH moved forward on foot, encountering considerable sniper and mortar fire but no significant infantry resistance. By 2230 hours the unit had secured its objective with light casualties.

The following day, all Companies were “firmly in their positions and on a sharp lookout” for enemy counterattacks. German forces had evacuated the area quickly, leaving behind large quantities of wine and foodstuffs that the soldiers added to their supplies. The area was quiet as a total of 31 German prisoners of war, mostly young men ages 17 and 18, were taken during the day.

On July 20, the North Novas moved out to Bras, seven kilometers southeast of Vaucelles, where they relieved a British unit. Personnel travelled by motor carrier and were in position by 1330 hours. While the area was subjected to sporadic mortar fire and a group of Messerschmidt 109s strafed personnel with machine gun and rocket fire later in the day, the unit suffered no casualties.

Wet weather over the next two days turned local roads into a muddy quagmire. Meanwhile, the North Novas endured regular mortar and artillery shelling. On July 23, Company commanders visited the forward area for reconnaissance of Bourgébus and Tilly-la-Campagne, two locations atop Verrières Ridge south of Caen that were the next Canadian objectives. Personnel were scheduled to depart for the area after darkness the following day, in preparation for an attack in conjunction with the 2nd Canadian Division.

The North Novas would advance in “moonlight” created by searchlights, “the first attack of this nature that we have had, but it sounds quite feasible and all express confidence in it.” Once the unit had established control of Tilly-la-Campagne, the British 11th Armoured Division would pass through its lines and advance toward an area of high ground further south. The 9th Brigade’s Highland Light Infantry would follow in its wake. It was hoped that the attack would produce the major breakthrough that had eluded Allied forces since the D-Day landings.

Improved weather on July 24 dried out the roads, making vehicle traffic “much easier.” Meanwhile, the North Novas spent the day preparing for the impending attack. All four Companies “formed up” on the starting line at 0230 hours July 25, ready to move forward at H-Hour. While the lead platoons crossed the start line 30 minutes later, the searchlights did not come on as anticipated.

Word arrived at 0350 hours that the 2nd Canadian Division’s operation had been delayed by at least 30 minutes. The North Novas, having already committed to the task, continued to move forward. When the searchlights finally came on, they silhouetted the troops, making them “good targets for the enemy.”

German forces, however, did not initially open fire, allowing C Company to establish positions in front of Tilly-la-Campagne “without any difficulty.” Likewise, D Company appeared to have reached its assigned position on the village’s left. When A Company moved toward an area right of the village, German soldiers located in a large barn in front of the village “opened up with everything,” pinning down both A and C Companies.

While the North Novas were able to establish a position in an orchard along Tilly-la-Campagne’s northeastern corner and infiltrate parts of the village, they were unable to overcome enemy resistance, which had not been softened by a preliminary artillery barrage. To further complicate matters, Battalion Headquarters lost contact with most of the attacking groups as the fighting progressed.

At 0614 hours, North Nova CO Lt. Col. Petch requested tank support from the 10th Canadian Armoured Regiment (Fort Garry Horse). In the meantime, the unit’s Bren carriers and several self-propelled anti-tank guns moved forward to support the soldiers deployed around the village. German counterfire, however, quickly targeted and neutralized the guns.

The Fort Garry Horse’s B Squadron soon arrived on the scene and moved forward west of the village.  German Panther tanks and anti-tank guns immediately engaged the armoured vehicles, “cut[ting] the squadron to pieces” and destroying 11 of its tanks. The survivors retreated toward Bourgébus, from where they provided supporting fire from a distance.

Meanwhile, Lt. Col. Petch, through the one Company with whom he had contact, instructed his men to “dig in and hold on where they were.” By late afternoon, it was obvious that the soldiers in the village were at risk of being cut off by a German counterattack, prompting Petch to instruct his men to make their way back to Bourguébus once darkness arrived. Approximately 100 soldiers were able to retreat during the evening, while A Company’s commanding officer and a group of nine men made their way to safety during the early morning hours of July 26.

The situation for the remaining North Novas was grim. According to A Company’s commanding officer, small groups of men were still “holding out” in the village, but at least 10 German tanks and two infantry Companies had entered the area, making it “unlikely” that any of the remaining soldiers “would get out alive.”

Before dawn July 26, an exhausted group of North Novas withdrew toward Cormelles, arriving there at 0930 hours. The men were billeted in local houses, where they enjoyed a “well-earned rest, followed by an excellent meal.” The 3rd Canadian Division’s attack on Tilly-la-Campagne had failed completely, resulting in a total of 139 North Nova casualties—61 “all ranks” killed, another 46 soldiers wounded and 32 men taken prisoner.

In the immediate aftermath of the North Novas’ attack on Tilly-la-Campagne, Private Joseph Leo McNeary was reported “missing.” As the following days turned into months, there was no news of his fate. Understandably, his parents in Canso became increasingly concerned. A news item published in The Antigonish Casket, dated February 15, 1945, stated:

“Mr. and Mrs. Walter McNeary, Canso, have received word that their only son, Private Joseph McNeary, age 21, of the North Nova Scotia Highlanders, has been missing in action in France since July 25, 1944…. Any returned soldier that knew of Pte…. McNeary [after] the landing in France on D-Day, please write to Mrs. Walter McNeary and kindly give me [sic] all the information you can of him.”

Another month passed before the family finally received word on Joe’s fate. By that time, Canadian officials came into possession of two German documents—Verlustmeldung [Casualty Report] and Grabmeldung [Grave Report]—that provided the crucial information. Joe was seriously wounded during the North Nova’s July 25 attack on Tilly-la-Campagne and was among the men taken prisoner that day. Admitted to German Field Hospital 501, Sées, with “abdominal and lung injuries,” he died of wounds at 0330 hours July 28, 1944, and was buried in the Municipal Cemetery, Sées, Orne, France.

On March 26, 1945, Canadian military authorities completed an Official Canadian Army Overseas Casualty Notification form, stating that Pte. Joseph Leo McNeary, “previously reported missing in action[, is] now officially reported to have been taken P.O.W. and died of wounds whilst P.O.W.” on July 28, 1944. A letter to Joe’s mother Mary, dated that same day, conveyed the tragic news to his family.

On an unknown date, Joe’s remains were transferred to the civilian section of Le Mans (West) Communal Cemetery, Sarthe, France, approximately 80 kilometers south of Sées. On July 22, 1975, his remains were transferred into a Commonwealth section of the cemetery, where a group of airmen and gunners from a number of British and Canadian units had been interred in September 1959. Available Commonwealth War Graves Commission records suggest that Joe’s grave had been overlooked at the time the section was created.

Both of Joe’s sisters pursued careers in nursing. Mary Martha, the oldest McNeary child, graduated from St. Martha’s School of Nursing, Antigonish, and worked in Inverness briefly before returning to Canso, where she joined the Eastern Memorial Hospital nursing staff. Mary also raised a family of three children—two sons and one daughter. She passed away in Victoria General Hospital, Halifax, in November 1987 and was laid to rest in Star of the Sea Cemetery, Canso.

Stella Margaret McNeary graduated from St. Joseph’s Hospital School of Nursing, Grace Bay, and initially joined the nursing staff of St. Rita’s Hospital, Sydney, NS. In 1944, Stella joined the Canadian Army Medical Corps, where she provided nursing services in military hospitals at Debert and Montreal. She later served as “nurse-in-charge” as the Red Cross Outpost Hospital, Neil’s Harbour, and worked as a Public Health Nurse in Guysborough County.

On August 15, 1952, Stella joined the Congregation of the Sisters of St. Martha, Bethany, Antigonish. Two years later, she pronounced first vows as Sister Peter Claver and took her final vows in 1957. After spending a decade in nursing care, first at St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, and St. Joseph’s Hospital, Grace Bay, Sister Peter spent four years on the Nursing faculty of St. Francis Xavier University, Antigonish.

Sister Peter later completed courses for a Masters in Science in Nursing at Boston University and a Diploma in Pastoral Care at Andover Newton Theology Center Newton, MA. She went on to spend almost two decades in pastoral care at St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, and St. John’s Hospital, Lowell, MA. Sister Peter Claver retired to St. Martha’s Motherhouse, Bethany, in 2004, and passed away there on September 8, 2015, at 95 years of age.

Special thanks to Deborah Avery, Canso, NS, who provided a photograph of Private Joseph Leo McNeary.

Private Henry George Charles Shea—Killed in Action July 27, 1944

Henry George Charles Shea and his twin brother, William John Patrick Shea, were born in London, England, on April 2, 1918. At the time, their father, Patrick Henry Shea, Tompkinsville Road, Guysborough County, was a soldier with the 85th Battalion (Nova Scotia Highlanders). Patrick had married Eva Bates, in London, England, while recovering from wounds received in France.

Private Henry George Charles Shea

The Tompkinsville Sheas were descendants of Irish immigrants John and Sarah Shea. The family was part of a small community of Irish families located along a rural road, where their neighbours included the White, Tovey, Mulcahy, Condon, Connolly, and Walsh families. The Shea residence was not far from the local school.

John and Sarah Shea raised a family of four boys and four girls. A son Patrick took over the farm and married Susan McAllister, daughter of William and Sarah (MacLean) McAllister, Ogden, Guysborough County. Patrick and Susan’s household grew to include five sons and five daughters. Their third son, Patrick Henry Shea, was born on March 15, 1894.

Patrick left the farm for Halifax at age 21 and went directly to the recruiting centre of the newly formed 85th Battalion. Authorized on September 14, 1915, as the province’s second infantry unit, the 85th conducted a province-wide recruitment drive. Its “B” Company canvassed Antigonish and Guysborough Counties in search of recruits.

Patrick Shea enlisted with the 85th at Halifax on October 29, 1915. He and his comrades spent the autumn and winter of 1915-16 in canvas tents and barracks erected on the Halifax Commons, relocating to Camp Aldershot in May 1916. After a summer of training, the 85th departed for overseas aboard SS Olympic on October 12, 1916.

Private Patrick Shea, 85th Battalion

The 85th Battalion crossed the English Channel to France on February 10, 1917, and was temporarily assigned to the 4th Canadian Division’s 11th Brigade in early April. As the Canadian Corps prepared for its historic April 9, 1917 assault on Vim Ridge, the inexperienced 85th was designated a “working unit.” 

When the 4th Division’s soldiers failed to capture Hill 145, the ridge’s highest elevation, two of the 85th’s Companies were sent into the line in late afternoon. The Nova Scotians secured the hill’s western slope in an early evening assault. The following day, the rest of their comrades joined them in the front trenches as Canadian units secured the remainder of the ridge. Today, the Canadian National Vimy Memorial sits atop the strategically important Hill 145.

On April 12, 1917, Private Patrick Shea received shrapnel wounds to his left shoulder, neck, left knee and left rib cage while in the line near Vimy. Evacuated to the 11th Canadian Field Ambulance dressing station, he was invalided to England on April 16 and admitted to Metropolitan Hospital, Kingsland Road, London. In mid-August, Patrick was transferred to Hillingdon House. Upon his discharge from hospital on September 18, he reported to Camp Bramshott.

Before month’s end, one of Patrick’s wounds reopened, prompting his admission to No. 12 Canadian Military Hospital, Bramshott. After a two-week stay, he was transferred to the Canadian Convalescent Hospital, Epsom, in mid-October. Three months later, Patrick was discharged from hospital. The nature of his wounds meant that he was unable to return to the 85th’s ranks. Instead, he was assigned to the Canadian Army Service Corps (CASC) on December 22, 1917.

While Patrick was under medical care in England, he met a 25-year-old English woman named Eva Bates. He requested permission to marry and received approval on January 28, 1918. Meanwhile, medical authorities assessed his physical condition to determine if he was fit for duty with the CASC.

Patrick had considerable difficulty lifting his left arm and medical staff determined that he would likely experience pain from his wounds for the rest of his life. On January 23, 1918, he was ordered to report to the Canadian Discharge Depot, Buxton, for eventual return to Canada. While he awaited orders to depart for Canada, he and Eva were married in London.

On February 28, 1918, Patrick was formally transferred to Canada. Shortly afterward, he returned to Halifax, where he was discharged from military service on March 30, 1918. His wife Eva and their infant sons, Henry and William, arrived in St. John’s, Newfoundland, aboard SS Melita on March 6, 1919, and joined Patrick in Nova Scotia shortly afterward.

Patrick and Eva first settled in Guysborough, where three more boys—Joseph, Jerome and Victor—joined the family. For several years, the family lived in New Glasgow, where Patrick worked as a plumber. At the time of the 1921 census, Patrick’s sister Mary was living with the couple, probably assisting Eva in the busy Shea household.

The family eventually returned to Guysborough, where Patrick worked as a jail keeper. He continued to suffer the effects of his wounds and overseas service. Patrick died in Guysborough on January 9, 1929, and was interred in St, Ann’s Parish Cemetery. He was only 35 years old at the time of his passing.

Henry George Charles Shea completed Grade X in the Guysborough school system. Upon leaving school in 1934, he worked as a labourer in the local area. Several months after the outbreak of war in Europe, Henry enlisted with the 86th Heavy Battery at Auld’s Cove, NS, on July 19, 1940.

Henry’s initial unit was considerably different than his father’s infantry battalion. Established after the First World War, the 86th Field Battery was based in a gun shed located on Victoria St., Antigonish, and was initially equipped with six 18-pounder guns. In June 1938, the unit was re-designated the 86th Coastal Battery and placed under the command of the 16th Coastal Brigade, which was responsible for the defence of the Strait of Canso, Sydney and Louisbourg harbours.

In the event of war, military authorities planned to establish two batteries on the mainland side of the Strait on a smaller scale than similar installations planned for Sydney. The rail terminals and ferry operations across the Strait had to be protected, as vital raw materials—coal and steel stock—required transportation to the mainland. The rail and passenger ferry service connecting Port Hastings and Mulgrave was the only means to do so at that time.

The Strait of Canso was thus vital to Canada’s war effort. Less than a month after Canada’s September 10, 1939 declaration of war, the first battery, located at Auld’s Cove, commenced operation on October 1. Called the Beacon Battery, the fortification overlooked the northern entrance to the Strait and was equipped with two 4.7-inch guns. The second installation at Melford, south of Mulgrave, contained the same equipment and was completed on October 5.

Henry spent the next four years with the 86th Battery in various capacities. He was posted to the Beacon Battery’s “gun detachment” until June 1941, then employed as a “caterer” in its canteen until February 1942, at which time he returned to the gun detachment. From September 21 to October 17, 1942, he completed a Non-Commissioned Officer’s course at A23 Training Camp for Coast Defence, Eastern Passage. Upon returning to duty, Henry was promoted to the rank of Lance Bombardier.

While Henry was serving in the Strait of Canso area, he met Priscilla Levangie, daughter of William and Sophie (Decoste) Levangie, Frankville. William operated a family store established by his father James in the small community. As a young man, James headed to Boston to fish each winter. In 1902, while returning home, he stopped in Truro on his way home to buy supplies and start a store in his village. 

James hauled a building from Havre Boucher to Frankville with a team of oxen and Levangie’s General Store commenced operation. William took over the business in 1917. According to local lore, he was a strong Acadian who disapproved of children speaking English in the store and would not serve them until they spoke French. In 1955, William’s son Cyril inherited the business and erected a new store in 1962. It operated for more than a century, spanning four generations during that time.

On November 16, 1942, Henry Shea married Priscilla Levangie in a ceremony held in St Paul’s Roman Catholic Church, Havre Boucher. The couple’s first child—a daughter, Mary Kathleen—was born in 1944. Meanwhile, Henry continued to serve in the Strait and Cape Breton areas. In January 1943, he was assigned to an artillery detachment in Louisbourg, the location where convoys gathered during the winter months when Sydney’s harbour was ice-bound. In July 1943, he returned to Auld’s Cove.

During battle drill exercises held in September, Private Shea learned to handle a .303 rifle, a Bren light machine gun, a Browning machine gun, and a Thompson sub-machine gun. On September 22, he was exempted from battle drill due to a sore back. A subsequent medical examination determined that he had achieved a high level of fitness. In February 1944, Henry trained with the weapons again in a repeat of the September regimen.

Infantry training for artillery soldiers was not a coincidence. During the winter of 1943-44, as Allied forces prepared for an invasion of France, the Canadian army sought to increase its manpower. British General Bernard L. Montgomery had warned Canadian commanders that they lacked reinforcements for their infantry ranks and had too many soldiers assigned to “ad hoc” units.

Despite Montgomery’s statements, Canadian military authorities failed to take significant action with regard to reinforcements prior to the June 6, 1944 Normandy landings. It is true that the Canadian Army (Canada) transferred 5,565 soldiers to the United Kingdom in April and May 1944, while another 2,000 arrived overseas the following month. These numbers, however, proved to be insufficient to maintain Canadian combat units in the weeks following D-Day.

Henry Shea was part of the reinforcement group dispatched to the United Kingdom in June 1944. Transferred to No. 1 Transit Camp, Windsor, NS, on April 22, 1944, he received the standard embarkation leave from May 5 to May 8. Perhaps not surprisingly considering his family circumstances, Henry was late returning to duty and was docked pay. He departed for overseas on June 26. Upon landing in England one week later, he reported to No. 4 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU).

As casualties mounted after the D-Day landings, Canadian authorities were forced to introduce an emergency re-mustering program. On July 25, 1944, Lieutenant-General Kenneth Stuart, Canadian Army Chief of Staff, ordered that 25% of Royal Canadian Artillery (RCA) reinforcements and 60% of Royal Canadian Service Corps (RCSC) reinforcements re-muster as infantry.

The day prior to Stuart’s orders—July 24, 1944—Private Henry Shea embarked for the continent and set foot in France the following day. His service file contains the same confusion as another Antigonish soldier, Hugh MacInnis of Georgeville. Both were initially listed in service documents as transfers to the Royal Canadian Regiment (“Black Watch”) but were actually assigned to the Royal Regiment of Canada (RRC), which belonged to the 2nd Canadian Division’s 4th Brigade.

Henry officially joined the RRC’s ranks on the same day he set foot on the continent, but likely was in the rear, moving forward with Hugh MacInnis, as their new unit entered combat further inland, south of the city of Caen, France.

The Allies’ first weeks on the continent had not gone as planned. While their forces secured a beachhead in Normandy, units struggled to break through German lines into the French interior. During that time, Canadian forces were organized into two formations—the 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade and the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division—under the command of the British 2nd Army.

During the first week of July, the 2nd Canadian Division landed in France and assembled at the beach-head while the 3rd Canadian Division served with British forces in a series of campaigns. On July 8, Allied forces launched Operation Charnwood, a plan to push the Germans out of Caen. After the city’s fall, German forces withdrew to high ground along Verrières Ridge, south of Caen, where they established a strongly reinforced defensive line.

At that time, the 2nd Canadian Division was inserted into the Allied line to the right of the 3rd Canadian Division. On July 18, the inexperienced units were given the task of securing the right flank along the Orne River. Specifically, the 2nd Division’s 4th Brigade was ordered to capture Louvigny, a village west of the Orne River and south of Caen. Brigade commanders assigned the mission to the Royal Regiment of Canada (RRC).

While its soldiers secured the objective, the “Royals” suffered 111 casualties, a number that included 34 fatalities. During its first week in the line, the 2nd Division suffered 1,349 casualties, but the worst was yet come.

With two Canadian Divisions now in the line south of Caen, Allied commanders approved the formation of 2nd Canadian Corps, under the command of Major-General Guy Simonds. In addition to the two infantry divisions, the Corps included two British Armoured Divisions. Simonds’ units manned the Allied line between the British 12th Corps on their western or right flank and 1st British Corps on their eastern or left flank.

After the failure of an initial July 18 assault on Verrières Ridge, a second attack, given the code name Operation Spring, was scheduled for July 25. Planned in three stages, the assault was to occur in conjunction with an American operation given the code name Cobra. The Canadian axis of attack would follow the arrow-straight road running from Caen to Falaise.

Opposing German forces on Verrières Ridge were formidable and included seven Panzer Divisions, equipped with approximately 600 tanks. In the face of such mobile weapons, the Allied offensive was designed as a “holding attack” intended to keep the German Army from transferring forces to the American Army sector, which faced only two Panzer Divisions. The goal was to assist US General Omar Bradley’s attack on Saint-Lô, where the Americans hoped to break through the German line.    

On Verrières Ridge’s western flank, near the Orne River, the2nd Canadian Division’s 5th Brigade would attack from St. Martin-de-Fontenay, its Black Watch Regiment making a bid for Fontenay-le-Marmion. Simultaneously, the 4th Brigade’s Royal Hamilton Light Infantry Regiment (RHLI) in the centre would advance towards the village of Verrières itself, with the Royal Regiment of Canada (RRC) designated as the “follow up” battalion. On the eastern flank, the 9th Brigade’s North Nova Scotia Highlanders were to advance toward Tilly-la-Campagne.

H-Hour for all attacks was set for 0330 hours July 25. As the battle unfolded, German forces repelled both flank attacks, inflicting heavy causalities. The 5th Brigade’s Black Watch Regiment, under the command of Major Fred P. Griffin, made a valiant attempt to capture the strategic position in one the most heroic actions of the war. Over 300 men went up the ridge but only 60 “all ranks” managed to reach the flat top in front of the village of Fontenay-le-Marmion. Once there, the soldiers were pinned down, only 15 managing to return to their lines.

The Nova Novas’ attack on the left or eastern flank toward Tilly-la-Campagne also failed, resulting in 139 causalities—61 soldiers killed, 46 wounded and 32 taken prisoner. The assault in the centre achieved a measure of success as the Royal Hamilton Light Infantry (RHLI) managed to capture the village of Verrières but failed to advance further.

Major General Guy Simonds sought to exploit this small victory. 4th Brigade Commander James Edwin Ganong ordered the Royal Regiment of Canada (RRC) to assist the “Rileys” (RHLI) in resuming the advance. As his soldiers moved forward, Lieutenant-Colonel John “Jock” Anderson, the RRC’s commander, decided to bypass Verrières village on the left instead of passing through it.

All four RRC Companies participated in the attack. “C” Company took up positions on the right flank, while “B” occupied the left. The remaining two Companies followed in a standard box formation. A group of 18 tanks from the 1st Hussars’ “C” Company supported the infantry advance.

While the column successfully passed the village, eight German Panther tanks launched an attack as the soldiers continued toward the ridge. A fierce firefight erupted, resulting in the destruction of all German tanks and 14 of the Hussars’ 18 Shermans. As the infantry column reached the bottom of the ridge, it was struck by a “hurricane of fire.”

Located in a wide-open field, there was nowhere for the soldiers to take shelter. Most of the RRC’s ‘C” Company was eliminated, only 18 of its ranks escaping to safety. The remaining Companies retreated and went to ground, digging in to the left of the village alongside the Royal Hamilton Light Infantry. The soldiers realized that the Germans would not allow them to establish a defensive position without a fight.

The RRC’s war diary reported that plans to continue the attack were canceled at 1550 hours [3:50 pm], and the rest of the day was spent digging in. Even before the July 25 action, the ranks of many 2nd and 3rd Canadian Infantry Division units were already depleted. The day’s fighting cost the Canadian Army another 1,500 battle casualties.

The following day—July 26, 1944— the RRC’s war diary described the unit’s location as running from the “reverse slope of the ridge from Verrières [village] on the right to the main Caen-Falaise highway on [the] left with the enemy in dead gr [ground] about 300 yards to our front.” A small German counterattack later in the day was easily repulsed. Otherwise, it was a quiet day.

Considering the previous day’s losses, Private Henry Shea was most likely in the line with the RRC by this time. During the day, the unit’s ‘D” Company advanced to “B” Company’s position, following an artillery barrage designed to hide the move from the enemy. Meanwhile, the Germans were planning a stronger counterattack, slated to take place the following day.

Around midnight July 26/27, the Germans 1st Panzer Division, described in the RRC’s war diary as one of the “finest tps [types] he has,” attacked in force, focusing on two targets. Tanks from the 1st and 9th Panzer Divisions struck the RRC and RHLI lines near Verrières village. Second and third wave of attackers hit the Royals’ “A” and “B” Companies, inflicting approximately 20 casualties on their ranks. The unit’s war diary commented that some of its “new men” were hit during these attacks. It is possible that Private Henry Shea was killed at this time.

The 5th Infantry Brigade in St Martin-de-Fontenay was also targeted 2nd Panzer Division units. Later that same day, the 9th SS’s heavy tank units advanced toward the same location. Both assaults were repulsed with heavy losses.

According to his service file, Private Henry George Charles Shea was killed in action on July 27, 1944, likely during the Panzer attack on the village of Verrières. He was first buried at map reference 7E/5, 987813, and mistakenly listed as a member of the Royal Highland Regiment (Black Watch, Montreal). Subsequent entries corrected the error, properly identifying him as a member of the Royal Regiment of Canada. Henry’s remains were re-interred in Beny-sur-Mer Canadian War Cemetery, Calvados, France, on May 15, 1945.

When word of Henry’s death reached his twin brother, William “Bill” wrote a letter to the Department of Defence. The correspondence, dated August 21, 1944, questioning the amount of infantry training that Henry—a former artillery soldier—received before entering combat. Bill had briefly served in the Canadian Army but was discharged because he was “flat-footed.” It is not known if he received a response. Following his return to civilian life, Bill earned a living as a barber in Guysborough town. He and his wife Christine Cameron raised a family of two children. Bill Shea passed away in 1987.

All of Henry’s remaining brothers served overseas. Joseph saw combat in Europe. After the war, he worked at the Dickie’s Brook power station. Joseph Shea passed away in Guysborough in 1977. Jerome served with the 6th Anti-Tank Regiment, which was directly under 2nd Canadian Corps command. Twice wound in action, he returned to Canada and settled in Ontario, where he passed away in 2004.

Private Jerome Shea (top), Gunner Joseph Shea (center) & Private Victor Shea

Victor Shea served in France with the North Nova Scotia Highlanders (North Novas). He was nearby at Tilly-la-Campagne, France, when his brother Henry was killed but did not learn of his death for some time. Months later, while on patrol in the Netherlands, Victor was later wounded in the lower leg while on patrol but did not realize he was injured until he returned to the unit. After returning home, Victor also worked at the Dickie’s Brook power station. When the facility was automated, he was transferred to a South Shore power plant. Victor Shea resided at the Head of St Margaret’s Bay until his death in 2006.

Gunner Alphonso Avery—Killed in Action July 26, 1944

 Alphonso Avery was born in Larry’s River, Guysborough County, on December 26, 1921. His parents, Abraham and Martha (Avery) Avery, were also Larry’s River natives. Abraham was the son of George Avery and Celeste Levandier, while Martha was the daughter of Philip Avery and Mary Richard. 

Gunner Alphonso Avery's headstone, Bretteville-sur-Laize Military Cemetery

At the time of the 1921 Canadian census, the Avery household consisted of Abraham, occupation fisherman, his wife Martha and their five oldest children—sons David (DOB May 21, 1913), Charles (DOB July 14, 1914), Paul Domine (DOB June 7, 1917), Joseph (DOB November 22, 1918), and daughter Celeste (DOB July 14, 1914). Alphonso joined the family before year’s end.

The first of several family tragedies struck the family on October 30, 1924, when two Avery children—David and Celeste—died from diphtheria on the same day. A seventh child, David, was born on October 13, 1926. At the time of the 1931 census, Abraham was employed as a labourer aboard a dredge. Charles, age 16, was working in a local lobster factory, while his four younger brothers were attending school.

A second tragedy struck the family on April 14, 1935, when Abraham succumbed to pneumonia after a nine-day illness. Within a year of his father’s death, Alphonso left school and entered the labour force to help support the family. For several years, he worked in a local lumber yard. Around 1941, he moved to Colchester County, where he was employed in Brookfield Creamery’s milk bottling operation. He worked there for approximately one year before deciding to enlist with the Canadian Army at Halifax on April 23, 1942.

Alphonso may have been influenced by the example of his older brother Paul, who had joined the Canadian Army. Joseph, the oldest of the Avery brothers, was a sheet metal worker in the Halifax Shipyards, an essential wartime industry whose employees were exempt from compulsory military service. Charles, the second-oldest, had worked in the local fishery until 1941, when poor health ended his employment. He passed away from tuberculosis in Larry’s River on October 28, 1943.

Alphonso Avery commenced his service at No. 60 (Basic) Training Center, Yarmouth on May 19, 1942. Upon completing the six-week course, he was assigned to the Canadian Artillery’s ranks and departed for Petawawa, ON for training in mid-July. Awarded the standard 10-day pre-embarkation leave on September 1, he may have returned home to Larry’s River for a few days before departing for overseas in late September.

Alphonso disembarked in the United Kingdom on October 8, 1942, and reported to the 2nd Canadian Artillery Reinforcement Unit. He spent the next four months in training while awaiting assignment to an active artillery unit. On February 11, 1943, he was transferred to the Royal Canadian Artillery’s 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment.

While the tank made its military debut during the latter stages of the First World War, it was not an effective weapon at that time, due in large part of mechanical imperfections. Developments during the post-war years transformed the tank into a formidable weapon that played a critical role on the Second World War’s battlefields. Both sides established armoured units and employed them in support of virtually every infantry attack.

Similarly, both sides developed weapons and units to counter the other side’s mobile armoured weapons. A the time of the outbreak of war in Europe, Canada’s military was ill-prepared for such a task. Its arsenal included only 29 Bren guns, 23 anti-tank rifles, and four two-pounder anti-tank guns. Over the first two years of the war, plans to prepare the Canadian military for combat on a European battlefield gradually took shape.

In January 1942, the Canadian government adopted a plan to overhaul its artillery resources to address the threat that tanks posed to infantry units on the battlefield. The first step was to replace its anti-tank regiments’ two-pounders with six-pounder guns. As time progressed, the units were also equipped with 17-pounder guns.

By the time Canadian units entered combat in France in mid-1944, American self-propelled three-inch M-10 guns and some self-propelled 17-pounders were available for use. While some ani-tank regiments still retained “towed” six- and 17-pounders, the mobile American weapons gradually proved to be the most effective on the battlefield.

The 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment—Alphonso’s unit—consisted of four batteries that initially mobilized as field artillery units in September 1939. Two months later, their personnel commenced the transition to an anti-tank role. All four units were from Western Canada—the 18th Anti-Tank Battery (Regina, SK); the 20th Anti-Tank Battery (Lethbridge, AB); the 23rd Anti-Tank Battery (Calgary, AB); and the 108th Anti-Tank Battery (Kelowna, BC).

Each Canadian Division included one anti-tank regiment, to be deployed on the battlefield in support of its infantry units. The 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment was assigned to the 2nd Canadian Division, which crossed the North Atlantic to the United Kingdom in August 1940. Two years later, its infantry units participated in the ill-fated Dieppe Raid, an assignment that cost the Division almost half of its infantry strength.

Upon returning to the UK after the raid, the 2nd Canadian Division spent the next two years rebuilding its ranks. The 1st Canadian Division departed for the Mediterranean theatre in July 1943 and participated in the Allied invasions of Sicily and Italy. Meanwhile, the 2nd and 3rd Canadian Divisions remained in England, where they prepared for an eventual Allied invasion of Western Europe.

On June 6, 1944—D-Day—the 3rd Canadian Division’s units landed on Juno Beach, Normandy, with British and American forces on their left and right flanks respectively. Its infantry and artillery units assisted in establishing the beach-head and made modest inland gains during the invasion’s first month.

The 2nd Canadian Division crossed the English Channel to Normandy at the end of the first week of July. Its units entered the front lines near Caen, France, on July 11, 1944. The 2nd Anti-Tank Brigade and all other 2nd Division artillery units received their first combat experience in Normandy.

By the time the 2nd Division landed in France, Allied commanders had devised a large-scale plan intended to break the stalemate that developed in Normandy after D-Day. While Canadian and British units occupied the bulk of German forces by pushing inland toward the city of Caen and beyond, an American force would attempt to break through German lines on the Allied western flank, along the French coast.

Once the Americans reached the vicinity of Avranches, they would push eastward inland toward Argentan and then turn northward toward Falaise, in an effort to encircle German forces in the “Falaise pocket.” Meanwhile, British and Canadian forces would continue to push southward from Caen to Falaise, hoping to close the “Falaise gap” and entrap enemy forces in Normandy.

The British and Canadian part of the plan commenced south of Caen in mid-July. While the city was under Allied control when the 2nd Canadian Division units entered the line, territory south and east of the Orne River, which ran through Caen, was still in German hands. The first stage of the British and Canadian operation commenced with attacks across the Orne on July 18 and 19. The initial advance brought the Allied forces to within striking distance of Verrières and Bourgébus ridges, two strategic areas of high ground between Caen and Falaise.

The Canadian attack on Verrières Ridge commenced on July 20, with infantry units from the 2nd Canadian Division’s 4th and 6th Brigades given the assignment. Atop the ridge were German forces from the 1st SS Panzer and 2nd Panzer Divisions, supported by an estimated 100 tanks. Allied commanders arranged for a series of strategic artillery and air strikes on selected targets around mid-day, hopefully “softening up” enemy forces prior to the infantry attack.

Around mid-afternoon, the 2nd Canadian Division infantry units commenced their advance toward Verrières Ridge, while two British Armoured Divisions launched an attack on Bourgébus Ridge on their left flank. The Canadians made good progress until they reached the ridge’s lower slopes. A violent late-afternoon thunderstorm prevented rocket-firing Typhoons from providing air support targeting German artillery batteries. As a result, the soldiers were subjected to intense shelling.

The 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment advanced behind the two Canadian infantry brigades and was in the process of setting up its weapons when a small group of German tanks launched an attack on the advancing soldiers. Before the regiment’s gunners were ready to fire, the tanks had disabled four of their guns and began sweeping the attackers with machine gun fire. The 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment suffered the majority of the day’s casualties—12 gunners killed and eight wounded.

Fighting continued into the following day, during which another four men were killed and 15 wounded. By that time, the attack had lost its momentum, prompting German forces to launch a series of counterattacks. On July 21, enemy units managed to regain much of the ground lost over the previous two days until a late push by Allied infantry and armoured forces managed to recover the lost ground and establish a stable front just short of the ridge’s base.

Exchanges of fire from July 21 to 23 cost the 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment another 22 men—six killed and 16 wounded—as its batteries managed to eliminate seven German tanks. During that time, the unit played a crucial role in defending the village of St. André-sur-Orne from an attack by a troop of Panzer tanks.

The gunners had set up their 17-pounder beside a disabled Sherman tank, in full view of enemy forces. It commenced fire on the attackers, prompting the Germans to target the tank, which they assumed was the source of the shells. Despite the burning tank beside them, the gunners continued to operate their weapon, eliminating three Panzer tanks before a German shell struck the gun’s breech, disabling it. Despite the strike, personnel managed to get the weapon back in operation, taking out a fourth tank before the attacking enemy force retreated.

After the failed July 20 attack on Verrières Ridge, Allied commanders set about planning a second assault, scheduled for July 25. Code-named Operation Spring, it proved to be the Canadian Army’s second-costliest day of the war, surpassed only by its losses at Dieppe. The plan called for simultaneous attacks by Canadian infantry brigades astride the Caen - Falaise Road, the 2nd Division’s units on the right side and the 3rd Division’s soldiers on the left.

The 2nd Division was given the task of capturing the villages of May-sur-Orne and Verrières, while the 3rd Division was to secure Tilly-la-Campagne. Both would then push further south, securing Fontenay-le-Marmion on the right, Rocquancourt in the centre and Garcelles-Secqueville on the left. Altogether, the operation called for Canadian forces to advance three kilometers from their starting positions.

H-Hour was set for 0330 hours July 25, 1944. While supporting artillery fire commenced 30 minutes prior to the attack’s commencement, the 2nd Division’s 5th Brigade on the right flank had to fight its way to its start line, delaying its attack. As a result, its soldiers did not benefit from the timed artillery support.

A threat from German tanks delayed the 4th Brigade’s attack by 40 minutes, meaning that its supporting artillery barrage had also concluded before its advance commenced. As units from the two 2nd Division brigades made their way up the ridge. they encountered a hailstorm of machine-gun fire from German tanks and infantry. Accurate shooting from one of the 2nd Anti-Tank Brigade’s 17-pounders eliminated four tanks, which helped the 4th Brigade’s Royal Hamilton Light Infantry secure Verrières.

The 5th Brigade’s Royal Highlanders of Canada (Black Watch), further to the right, suffered heavy losses as it advanced toward Fontenay-le-Marmion. While 60 of its soldiers reached the top of the ridge, enemy fire made it impossible for them to hold their position and they were forced to retreat. The unit suffered 300 casualties, 23 of which were fatalities, during the day’s fighting.

The 4th Brigade’s Royal Regiment of Canada (RRC), advancing in the centre of the Canadian line, was unable to push forward to Rocquancourt, after its Royal Hamilton Light Infantry comrades secured Verrières. The RRC’s soldiers managed to cover only 400 meters before enemy fire halted their advance. Meanwhile, their RHLI mates managed to hold on to Verrières in the face of fierce enemy fire, but suffered 200 casualties during the day. Around 1800 hours, eight German tanks penetrated their right forward line but were driven back.

The 3rd Canadian Division’s advance on the other side of the Caen - Falaise Road also encountered determined resistance. While the 9th Brigade’s North Nova Scotia Highlanders (NNSH) managed to establish a foothold in Tilly-la-Campagne and held on throughout the day, its soldiers were unable to expand into the rest of the village. After suffering 139 casualties, the North Novas were forced to withdraw to Bourgébus.

While Allied commanders planned to resume the assault the following day, reconsideration resulted in the cancellation of further operations. German forces still held a large area of land west of the Orne River and used the location to launch heavy mortar and artillery fire on Allied positions in front of Verrières Ridge. Until these guns were removed, Allied commanders concluded that a resumption of the attack would only result in significant casualties.

Altogether, the July 25 attack on Verrières Ridge resulted in British and Canadian forces suffering an estimated 1,500 casualties, 450 of which were fatalities. In fact, units continued to report casualties—wounded or killed—from July 26 to 28, despite the fact that no major operations took place on those days. Canadian military historian C. P. Stacey later concluded, “Most of these casualties were certainly actually suffered on the 25th.”

Gunner Alphonso Avery was one of the post-July 25 casualties, reported to have been “killed in action” on July 26, 1944. Over the two days—July 25 and 26—the 2nd Anti-Tank Regiment recorded eight fatalities among its ranks, a statistic that indicates the ferocity of the fighting at Verrières Ridge.

Documents in Alphonso’s service file contain conflicting information as to his initial gravesite. One states that he was buried at a location “250 yards southwest of Caen.” A second claims that he was buried in a cemetery at Fleury-sur-Orne, while a third places the grave ”200 yards southwest of a crossroads near the village of Ifs.”

On July 31, 1944, Alphonso’s mother Martha received a telegram from Canadian military authorities, stating that her son had been killed in action in France. On December 30, 1944, Alphonso’s remains were re-interred in Bretteville-sur-Laize Canadian Military Cemetery, Bretteville-sur-Laize, Normandy, France.

While the July 25  British and Canadian attack on Verrières Ridge failed to achieve its objective, that same day American forces on the western flank broke through German lines and commenced a rapid southward advance. Realizing the seriousness of the situation, German commanders quickly transferred units from the area south of Caen to the American front but failed to bring the advance to a halt.

The reduced number of German forces opposite their lines enabled British and Canadian forces to finally secure Verrières Ridge after a three-day campaign that commenced August 7. Following its capture, the units continued to push southward along the Caen - Falaise Road, hoping to eventually connect with their American allies as they pushed northward.

Three of Alphonso’s siblings also served during the Second World War. His older brother Joseph enlisted for military service on an unknown date—likely sometime in early 1944—but was discharged on July 22, 1944, “for reasons of being unable to meet the required military physical standards.” David, the youngest of the Avery brothers, was conscripted into service late in the war but was not deployed overseas.

Paul Avery was “called up” for compulsory military training under the National Resources Military Act (NRMA) and opted to enlist in the Canadian Active Service Force uponcompleting the program. He was assigned to the Princess Louise Fusiliers and served with its machine gun company in Italy.

After returning to Canada, Paul lived in Halifax, where he initially worked as a “pantryman” with the Canadian National Railway. On September 17, 1946, he married Edith Elizabeth Leahy, daughter of Patrick M. Leahy and Edith Blanche Schnare, Halifax, on September 17, 1946. After retiring from a lengthy career with Canadian National, Paul relocated to Vancouver, BC, where he passed away on November 7, 2000.

In May 1946, Alphonso’s mother Martha relocated to Halifax, where her three surviving sons resided. She passed away in Halifax County Hospital, Cole Harbour, on July 17, 1953, and was laid to rest in Larry’s River.

Photograph of Alphonso Avery's headstone courtesy of the War Graves Photographic Project.

Corporal William Irving Worth—Killed in Action July 25, 1944

William Irving Worth was born in Cross Roads Country Harbour, Guysborough County, on June 23, 1918. Both of Irving’s parents were Country Harbour natives. His father Henry Edward Worth was the son of Joseph James and Mary Ann “Annie” (Mason) Worth, while his mother Sarah Jane was the daughter of Henry and Emma (Mason) Mason.

Corporal William Irving Worth

Henry and Sarah were married in Country Harbour on January 23, 1909. At the time of the 1911 census, they were residing in Country Harbour with Henry’s parents. Also in the household were the couple’s three oldest children—Henry Edward “Harry,” age two; Stanley Edward, age one; and Franklin James, age one month.

Over the following decade, another five children—Hilda Gladys, Robert Arthur, Annie Emma, William Irving and Everett Gardner—joined the Worth household. Eight more children—Lambert Gordon, Maurice Arnold, Walter Warren, Ina Lois, Muriel Florence, George Saunders, Minnie Ethel and Ross Maynard—were born between 1921 and 1934. Of Henry and Sarah’s 16 children, only one died in youth—Stanley Edward passed away on March 10, 1927, one day shy of his 17th birthday.

Irving Worth left school at age 14, having completed Grade VII. While he “liked school and got on well there,” life in a large family meant he “had to go to work.” He first spent several years working on the family farm. During that time, Irving’s father Henry Edward passed away in St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, on October 7. 1936, the result to “cardiac insufficiency.”

Over the three years following Henry’s death, Irving worked as a farm labourer and did “bush work” for various employers. In 1939, 21-year-old Irving headed to Timmins, ON, with his younger brothers, Everett and Lambert. Irving was hired by Hollinger Mines, where he worked as an underground hard rock miner and “power shovel operator” in the gold-mining operation. All three Worth boys regularly sent money home to their mother, who was still caring for several young children.

The outbreak of the Second World War soon impacted the lives of the Worth brothers. In August 1940, the Canadian Parliament passed the National Resources Mobilization Act. The law provided the government with special powers to organize national resources in support of the war effort. Among its provisions was a compulsory national registry of all Canadian men of military service age and a six-week training program.

Once registered, young men were randomly “called up” for training, after which they could be “conscripted” into service in Canada. If they wished, the trainees could volunteer for active service overseas. For many young Canadian men, the NRMA training program became the first step into military service.

On April 9, 1942, Irving Worth reported to No. 23 Basic Training Centre, Newmarket, ON, where he completed the required NRMA enrolment form. A week and a half later, he reported to Camp Borden for basic training. Upon completing the program, Irving decided to enlist with the Canadian Active Service Force at Camp Borden, ON, on June 6, 1942.

Irving spent the summer of 1942 in Ontario. During that time, he was assigned to guard duty at a Basic Training Centre in the Niagara region for one month. On September 10, he was granted 10 days’ embarkation leave. Upon returning to duty, Irving was transferred to the Canadian Army Overseas on September 22 and departed for overseas one week later. Irving set foot in the United Kingdom on October 7 and was immediately assigned to No. 2 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU). Two weeks later, he joined the ranks of the Royal Regiment of Canada (RRC).

The Royal Regiment of Canada traces its origins to the 10th Battalion Volunteer Militia Rifles, Canada, a reserve force regiment established in Toronto, Canada West [Ontario], on March 14, 1862. The unit amalgamated with the Toronto Regiment in December 1936 and was re-designated the “The Royal Regiment of Canada” on February 11, 1939, with its headquarters located in Toronto.

The RRC mobilized for active service on September 1, 1939, and departed Canada for garrison duty in Iceland on June 10, 1940. The unit relocated to the United Kingdom at the end of October 1940 and spent almost two years in training. During that time, the regiment was assigned to the 2nd Canadian Division’s 4th Infantry Brigade, which included two other Ontario units—The Royal Hamilton Light Infantry (Hamilton, ON) and The Essex Scottish Regiment (Windsor, ON).

On August 19, 1942, the RRC and its 4th Brigade counterparts participated in the ill-fated Dieppe Raid. During the fighting, the unit lost almost half of its fighting strength. Over the next several months, the RRC rebuilt its ranks after returning to the United Kingdom. Irving was one of the new recruits who joined the regiment during that time. As the months passed, it appears that he made a favourable impression on his superiors. On August 16, 1943, Irving was promoted to the rank of Acting Lance Corporal and advanced to the full rank of Corporal before year’s end.

During the winter and spring of 1943-44, Allied units in the UK participated in several major training exercises that involved large-scale amphibious landings. The purpose was clear to all participants—their units were preparing for an Allied invasion of German-occupied France. The plans became reality on June 6, 1944, when the Canadian 1st and 3rd Infantry Divisions landed on Juno Beach as part of the Allied D-Day invasion of Normandy.

The 2nd Canadian Division briefly remained in the UK, crossing the English Channel and landing in Normandy on July 7, 1944. At the time of its arrival in France, Allied forces were still struggling to break out of the small beach-head they had established. The major obstacle was Caen, approximately 20 kilometers south of Juno Beach. At the time of the 2nd Division’s arrival, the city was still firmly under German control.

While British and Canadian forces focused on securing Caen, American forces on their western flank pushed southward along the French coast toward Avranches. The plan was for the Americans to then press eastward inland and then northward toward Argentan, encircling the German 7th Army in what became trapped became known as the “Falaise pocket.” Falaise, a French town south of Caen, was located in what gradually became a diminishing gap.

The British and Canadian assignment was to push southward from Caen to Falaise, closing the pocket by reaching their American allies. The first stage of the plan commenced with a July 8 attack on Caen. While units succeeded in securing large parts of the city, several sectors remained under German control. In response, plans were developed for a two-pronged attack called “Operation Goodwood,” scheduled for mid-July. The plan would provide the 2nd Canadian Division’s units with their first major combat experience.

After landing on Juno Beach, the 2nd Canadian Division prepared for its first deployment in the front line. The Royal Regiment of Canada’s personnel moved to a concentration area north of Bazenville, where they resumed training. On July 10, the unit moved out to positions near Bretteville, where the soldiers occupied slit trenches. The following day, personnel took up positions in St-Germaine, one-third of its ranks “standing to” in case of an enemy attack.

On July 12, the RRC moved into positions at Éterville, southeast of Caen, in relief of a British unit. Over the next five days, the location was subjected to considerable enemy mortar fire that inflicted approximately 175 casualties. On the night of July 16/17, the unit exchanged positions with The Essex Scottish, its Brigade mates, who were holding reserve positions 1,500 meters to the rear. Its soldiers then rested throughout the following day as they prepared for their first combat assignment.

Operation Goodwood consisted of two separate components. British units would attack the sectors of Caen still under German control. Simultaneously, the 2nd Canadian Division’s 5th and 6th Brigades would cross the Orne River that ran south of the city and secure the area along the river’s southern bank known as Faubourg de Vaucelles. The long-range goal was to capture two strategic areas of high ground further south, known and Bourgébus Ridge and Verrières Ridge. German forces were concentrated there, blocking the Allied path to Falaise.

The 4th Brigade was assigned the task of securing the 2nd Division’s right flank during the operation. Specifically, the RRC was to capture the village of Louvigny, southeast of the city, its first active combat target. Shortly after first light July 18, the unit’s Company commanders reconnoitred the ground over which the advance would take place.

The Allied attack commenced around 0830 hours as 2nd and 3rd Division units crossed the Orne and began to push southward along its banks. The RRC’s soldiers waited for orders to advance on Louvigny. Finally, in the early evening hours, “D” Company led the way across a wheat field into an orchard beside the village, with “A” Company following in support. While the soldiers encountered considerable small arms fire, both Companies reached the orchard.

As “D” Company resumed the advance, personnel encountered enemy machine gun fire but continued to press forward, “A” Company once again following in its wake. The soldiers cleared the northern part of the village before darkness forced them to establish defensive positions and settle in for the night. When personnel advanced into the remainder of the village the following day, they discovered that German forces had withdrawn overnight. By 0900 hours July 19, the entire village had been secured.

The RRC’s war diary reported four officers and 30 “other ranks” (OR) killed during the fighting at Louvigny, while another 75 OR were wounded. Its person captured 55 prisoners of war while clearing the village. The regiment was relieved in the early morning hours of July 20 and retired to Verson, where personnel rested and cleaned up after their first combat experience. A draft of six officers and 74 OR arrived later in the day, compensating for some of the unit’s Louvigny losses by increasing its fighting strength to 36 officers and 658 OR.

July 21 saw the first heavy rains since the 2nd Division’s arrival in France The RRC moved out at 1830 hours, passing through Caen and crossing the Orne River. Its solders travelled through the recently captured Faubourg de Vaucelles to the town of Ifs, south of Caen. That evening, its Commanding Officer, Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Holtby Anderson, attended meetings concerning a large-scale attack on Verrières Ridge, which lay south of the Allied front line, blocking the path to Falaise.

The impending operation, dubbed “Operation Spring,” involved units from the 2nd and 3rd Canadian Infantry Divisions. The 3rd Division’s North Nova Scotia Highlanders (9th Brigade) were assigned the task of capturing the village of Tilly-la-Campagne on the eastern flank, with two 6th Brigade units—The Royal Highland Light Infantry and Royal Regiment of Canada—and a 7th Armoured Division tank regiment concentrating on Verrières and Rocquancourt in the centre. On the western flank, 5th Brigade infantry regiments were to advance southward along the Orne’s eastern bank and secure the villages of May-sur-Orne and Fontenay le Marmion.

The operation commenced on July 24, as the 6th Brigade’s units began to clear enemy forces from the area designated as the start line for the following day’s major attack. While Troteval Farm on the Brigade’s left flank was secured by day’s end, the advance on the right encountered stiffer opposition and fell short of its designated target.

At H-Hour—0530 hours July 25—the RRC moved through an area between Beauvoir Farm on its right and Troteval Farm on its left. The ground around them was littered with dead bodies and burning vehicles as personnel advanced through the area. The unit’s mortar Company, moving forward ahead of its infantry, reached its designated location on the southern slope of Verrières Ridge but was immediately engaged by enemy forces. Personnel quickly deployed their mortars, using the weapons to repel an attack.

The Royal Highland Light Infantry (RHLI) , which was to advance on the RRC’s right flank and clear Verrières, were late crossing the start-line and soon encountered stiff opposition as its personnel approached their target. As the RRC reached the area, RHLI soldiers were still engaged with enemy forces in the village, forcing the unit to delay its advance toward Rocquancourt. As a result, a scheduled artillery fire plan that was to assist the RRC took place before its soldiers were in position to attack their objective.

Commanding officers finally decided that the RRC should bypass the village on the left, leaving their Brigade comrades to deal with enemy forces there. As its soldiers moved toward Verrières, however, a major tank battle unfolded in front of them. A squadron of Sherman tanks from the 6th Canadian Armoured Regiment (1st Hussars) engaged German anti-tank guns in a confrontation that lasted for several hours. As the fighting progressed, the tanks proved to be no match for enemy fire power, every one destroyed by day’s end.

In mid-morning, the RRC launched its delayed advance with tank support. Two Companies—“C” on the right and “B” on the left—led the attack, with “A” and “D” following in support. The soldiers headed up a gradual slope of the ridge that extended eastward from Verrières. While personnel managed to reach the top, they immediately encountered “a hurricane of fire” from German tanks and 88-mm guns in well-camouflaged positions in front of them.

The Regiment’s official history later described what followed:

“As the remnants of ‘C’ Company… continued to press forward over the ridge, they were suddenly surrounded by large numbers of German infantry who appeared out of the grain fields on all sides. Those who had not been killed or wounded were taken prisoner. Only 18 other ranks of ‘C’ Company survived the day’s fighting.”

At that point in the day, no artillery support was available, prompting “B” Company’s commanding officer to cancel the scheduled advance through their comrades’ lines. A Brigade officer, however, ordered “D” Company to move forward. Its soldiers were unable to make any progress and gradually spread out to the right, filling a gap between “B” Company and the RHLI soldiers still fighting in Verrières.

While commanding officers formulated a plan for a second attack in the afternoon, the destruction of an entire section of carriers and a tank squadron on the left side of the village resulted in its cancellation. At 1550 hours, the RRC’s soldiers received orders to “dig in” and hold their present positions, the RHLI to their right and the main Caen - Falaise Road on their left. German forces remained heavily entrenched in strong positions approximately 300 meters in front of their line.

As darkness fell, “B” Company repelled a weak counterattack. The unit held its ground throughout the night, “D” Company managing to move approximately 300 meters forward under cover of an artillery barrage the following day. It was clear, however, that there would be no major breakthrough as the unit repelled three counter-attacks during the evening hours of July 26.

The RRC held its position throughout the following day, finally retiring from its positions during the early morning hours of July 28 and making its way to a location between Ifs and Bras, along the Caen - Falaise road. A group of 254 much-needed reinforcements arrived in its camp that evening.

The Royal Regiment of Canada suffered a total of 36 fatalities during its Verrières Ridge tour. The greatest losses occurred during the first day of fighting, when 16 soldiers were killed. The overall outcome for Allied forces was disappointing. While 4th Brigade units had managed to secure the village of Verrières, the 5th Brigade on its right flank suffered significant losses, as did the 9th Brigade’s North Nova ScotiaHighlanders on its left flank.

In fact, German counterattacks on July 26 and 27 pushed Canadian forces back to their initial starting locations. Over the next 10 days, however, American successes to the west drew German forces away from the ridge, allowing British and Canadian units to finally secure the high ground on August 7. The Allied group then commenced its push toward Falaise, 40 kilometers south of Caen, in an effort to complete the encircling of German forces in Normandy,

Corporal William Irving Worth was killed in action during the July 25, 1944 attack on the outskirts of Verrières. Given the nature of combat that day, it is likely that Irving was among the “C” Company soldiers lost in its advance up the ridge. He was initially buried “in [a] gap in [a] hedgerow” near Verrières. As Allied forces did not secure the ridge until two weeks after his death, his mother Sadie did not receive official notification of his death until late August 1944.

On March 13, 1945, Irving’s remains were “buried with religious rites in a temporary grave located…approximately five miles [eight kilometers] southeast of Caen, in the Department of Calvados (Normandy) France.” Exactly six months later, he was re-interred in Bretteville-sur-Laize Canadian Military Cemetery, Bretteville-sur-Laize, Calvados, France.

Both brothers who accompanied Irving to Timmins, ON, also served during the Second World War. Lambert Gordon Worth enlisted with the Royal Canadian Engineers and served in the Western European theatre. His exact whereabouts at the time of Irving’s death is unknown. 

Some time after Irving's death, Lambert was leaning against an Army Jeep, reading a letter from home, when he met another Canadian serviceman. As the two men conversed, the soldier said that Lambert reminded him of a comrade with whom he had served, both in appearance and accent. The soldier commented, “He was also from Nova Scotia—his name was Irving Worth.” Remarkably, he was with Irving when he was killed. According to his account, his death was the result of an explosion on the battlefield.

Sapper Lambert Worth

After the end of fighting in Europe, Lambert remained in the Netherlands for several months. He later recalled a Christmas 1945 celebration in the Netherlands, during which his unit hosted Dutch children from two nearby orphanages. Lambert never forgot the smile on one young girl’s face as he lifted her up to pick a gift from a large Christmas tree—a small burlap bag that contained a treat and home-made toy.

Lambert had married Thelma Burke in 1942, prior to heading overseas. Four years later, he returned to his wife in Ontario, where he worked for Swift Meats, a large meat processing company. Lambert and Thelma raised a family of three children—two sons and a daughter. Lambert Worth passed away in Etobicoke General Hospital, Toronto, on August 19, 2014, at 92 years of age. He was laid to rest in Glendale Memorial Gardens, Etobicoke.

Everett Gardiner Worth joined the Canadian Army and was serving in Italy with the West Nova Scotia Regiment at the time of Irving’s death. The West Novas relocated to the Netherlands in April 1945, where the unit spent the final month of the war. After his military service, Everett returned to Timmins in 1947. The following year, he married Ellen Jean Farnan,

Private Everett Worth

Everett worked in the McIntyre and Pamour mines for a number of years and was later employed by the city of Timmins as a fire and police dispatcher. Everett and Jean raised a family of four children—two sons and two daughters. The couple lived in Timmons until 1986, when they moved to St. Thomas, ON. Everett Worth passed away in St. Thomas - Elgin General Hospital, St. Thomas, ON, on January 14, 1987, and was laid to rest in Elmdale Memorial Park, St. Thomas.

Irving’s mother Sadie remained in Country Harbour until her later years, when she took up residence with her youngest daughter Minnie (Mrs. Gordon Feltmate) in Goshen. Sarah Jane “Sadie” (Mason) Worth passed away in St. Mary’s Hospital, Sherbrooke, on December 23, 1987, and was laid to rest in Evergreen Cemetery, Cross Roads Country Harbour, beside her husband Henry.

Special thanks to Alanna Hayne, Country Harbour, for providing pictures of the three Worth brothers.