Private Joseph Harry King—Killed in Action June 28, 1944

 Joseph Harry King was born in Minto, New Brunswick, on November 14, 1921, the eldest of Murray Kitchener and Edith E. (Beal) King’s five children. Murray’s father and Joseph Harry’s namesake, Joseph Henry “Harry” King, was born in Redditch, on the outskirts of Birmingham, England, and immigrated to Canada at an unknown date. By the mid-1890s, Harry was residing in Saint John, NB, where he worked as a clerk.

A young Harry King (left) and the Cummings family, Eight Island Lake

On November 26, 1896, Harry married Vinney [Vinnie/Viney] Sarah Green, daughter of Willet and Margaret Green, Coles Island, NB, in a ceremony that took place at 185 Victoria St., Saint John, NB. Harry was 26 years old at time, while Vinney was 24 years old. Over the next 10 years, the couple welcomed three sons into their home—Murray Kitchener (DOB December 26, 1900), Frank Harold (DOB January 19, 1903) and George Temple (DOB January 1906).

Tragically, Harry King passed away suddenly on October 20, 1910, after a very brief illness. His death certificate provides no specific cause of death. Left on her own to care for three young children, Vinney married Charles E. Johnstone, a native of Great Falls, Montana, in Saint John West on November 21, 1910. At the time of the 1911 Canadian census, the Johnstone family—Charles, Vinney and her three sons—was living at 76 Forrest St., Saint John.

Murray was the first to leave home, relocating to Minto, NB, where he worked as a railway section man. Despite his young age, he was keen to serve during the First World War, enlisting with the 7th Battalion, Canadian Garrison Regiment, at Saint John on July 29, 1918. Six months shy of his 20th birthday at the time, Murray advanced to the rank of Acting Corporal during his time in uniform. The November 11, 1918 Armistice ended any chance of overseas deployment. Murray’s First World War military service concluded on February 19, 1919, when he was discharged as the Canadian Expeditionary Force demobilized.

Murray returned to Minto, where he resumed employment as a section man. On June 8, 1921, he married Edith E. Beal, a native of Battersea, London, England, at Chipman, NB. Around 1915, Edith had immigrated to Canada with her parents, William and Elizabeth (Wourl) Beal, and was living in Sackville, NB, at the time of the marriage. The young couple established residence in Minto, where their first child, Joseph Harry, was born later that year.

By 1924, the family had relocated to West River Station, Pictou County, where Murray continued to work as a railway section man. The couple’s second child, James Harold, was born there on August 29, 1924. At the time of the 1931 census, the King household included Murray, Edith, Harry, age eight; James Harold, age six; John McNabb, age two; and Charles A., age two months. A fifth son, Walter Murray, joined the family on January 1, 1935.

Tragedy struck the King household on December 6, 1935, when Edith passed away at age 36, the result of myocarditis. In the months following her death, the family unit appears to have disintegrated, the five boys being dispersed among several families. The youngest, Walter Murray, appears to have been born with a disability of some kind, as he later resided in the Pictou County Home for the Disabled, Riverton. James Harold, the second-oldest, was taken in by a family at nearby Lansdowne Station. The fate of the other two sons at the time of Edith’s death is not known, although John McNabb later reunited with his father.

Harry, the eldest of the five King boys, took up residence with John Ivan Cummings, who operated a farm at Eight Island Lake, Guysborough County. At the time of the 1931 census, the Cummings household had consisted of Ivan, age 36; his wife Louise Dora, age 34; and three young children—Mary Macintosh, age six; Ivan Albert, age four; and Margaret Isabelle, age three. Harry, who was 14 years old at the time of his mother’s death, was likely “taken in” to help out on the farm.

Two years after his wife Edith’s death, Murray married Jessie Elva Burns, daughter of Hugh and Anna Bell (Dunn) Burns, Kennetcook, NS. The wedding took place in Truro NS, on June 19, 1937. Both Murray and Jessie were living at West River Station at the time of the ceremony.

According to information in his military service file, Harry completed eight years of public schooling, leaving around the time of his mother’s death. He then worked on the Cummings farm for five years. On June 7, 1940, Harry enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at Halifax, NS, and was taken on strength by the Halifax Rifles, a Canadian militia unit. Six months shy of his nineteenth birthday at the time, he gave his address as Eight Island Lake, Guysborough County, but identified his father, Murray King, who was living in Dorchester, NB, at the time, as his next of kin.

Harry spent the first two years of his military service in Halifax. During that time, two significant events impacted his life. On May 5, 1942, Harry married Mildred Eileen “Millie” Hicks, daughter of Nathaniel and Georgie (Robinson) Hicks, Bayfield, NB. He immediately changed his next of kin to his young wife, who was residing in Bayfield with her parents.

The second event was military in nature. On May 26, 1942—only three weeks after Harry’s marriage—the Halifax Rifles was absorbed into the 23rd Army Tank Regiment as the unit commenced conversion to an armoured unit. The transformation may have prompted Harry to consider other options. It is also possible that a new opportunity arose during his first months with the tank regiment.

Whatever the cause, Harry was “struck off strength” by the 23rd Tank Regiment on October 26, 1942, and transferred to No. 4 Military District, Montreal, QC, where he remained for one week. On November 5, Harry was dispatched to Fort Benning, Georgia, where he was “taken on strength” by the 1st Canadian Parachute Battalion.

Canadian military authorities had discussed the formation of a parachute battalion as early as November 1940. Their motivation was the dramatic success of German airborne units’ during the rapid invasions of Belgium and the Netherlands earlier in the year. No firm decision was made until after the British government approved the formation of an entire airborne division on November 1, 1941. Seven months later, Canadian authorities finally decided to recruit and train a Canadian paratroop unit.

The 1st Canadian Parachute Battalion (CPB) was formally authorized on July 1, 1942. At full strength, the unit consisted of 26 officers and 590 other ranks (OR), divided into a battalion headquarters, three rifle companies and one headquarters company. While recruitment of a 2nd CPB was approved later in the year, its members were eventually re-assigned to a joint Canadian - American special forces unit.

Some members of the battalion were recruited from units already overseas and therefore trained with British paratroopers in the United Kingdom. Others were recruited from units still in Canada and completed their initial training in North America. The rationale was to expose personnel to two different regimens. As a Canadian volunteer, Harry proceeded through the North American program and commenced his training at Fort Benning, GA,in mid-November 1942.

The Fort Benning program combined the use of jump towers erected at the camp with aircraft drops. On December 5, Harry “qualified as a Parachutist having completed Packing instruction and Jump training.” By mid-January 1943, he had “completed the prescribed course in Parachute Rigging and Maintenance at the US Parachute School, Ft. Benning, Ga., [and] is qualified as Parachute Rigger.” Trainees were received basic airman, commando and engineering instruction. The goal was to provide the soldiers with the skills required to tackle a variety of tasks on the battlefield, such as demolishing bridges, overcoming barbed wire obstacles and attacking fortified pillboxes.

Harry returned to Canada in late February 1943. After enjoying two weeks’ furlough in early April, he reported to Camp Shilo, Manitoba, where the battalion continued training on its jump towers and made “live jumps” in a Douglas C-47 Dakota aircraft.

On June 7, Harry was granted the standard one-week embarkation leave. Upon returning to duty, he and his comrades made final preparations for their overseas departure. A total of 31 officers and 548 OR left Canada on July 23, 1943, and landed in Greenock, Scotland, five days later. The soldiers immediately reported to the Canadian Base Training Camp, where they spent the summer months training.

After arriving overseas, 1 CPB was assigned to the 6th Airborne Division’s 3rd Parachute Brigade, where it served alongside the British 8th and 9th Parachute Battalions. On September 21, the Canadian unit was attached to the Airborne Force Depot & School, Derbyshire, England. Personnel who had trained exclusively in North America underwent a one week “conversion course,” as British units followed different training techniques.

Unlike their American counterparts, British paratroopers jumped with only one parachute, eliminating the use of a reserve chute. Instead of exiting the aircraft through a door, the men jumped through a hole in the bottom of the aircraft’s fuselage, usually a refitted bomb door. The British ground training program did not employ jump towers. Instead, men completed practice jumps from air balloons. This technique required the men to “free fall” for a distance before opening their chute, in order to gain sufficient velocity for their parachute to open.

The most common aircraft used for training drops was the Armstrong Whitworth AW 38. The pre-war two-engine bomber was transitioned out of its initial role following the adoption of four-engine heavy bombers. The aircraft was employed as a tow plane for gliders as well as a jump plane for paratroopers.

While all officers and 97 percent of 1 CPB’s “other ranks” (OR) had qualified as parachutists prior to arriving overseas, the unit had not undergone instruction in infantry tactics and procedures. This became the primary focus after the men completed their training at the Derbyshire Airborne Force School in late September 1943. Other than one week’s leave in late October 1943, Harry’s trained at Camp Bulford, England, throughout the remainder of the year and into the spring of 1944.

As summer drew near, the unit commenced final preparations for the Allied invasion of France. The British D-Day operation focused on three Normandy beaches, given the codenames Gold, Juno and Sword. Located on the left side of the Allied force, the beaches stretched from Port-en-Bessin on the right to Merville on the left.

In an effort to protect the invading force’s left flank from enemy attack, the British 6th Airborne Division was instructed to “drop” several paratrooper units on the eastern flank of the Allied invading force, near the city of Caen. The primary objective was to capture two strategic bridges over the Caen Canal and Orne River, which Allied forces planned to use during their inland advance. Other units were assigned the task of destroying key bridges and strategic defensive positions, as well as securing several strategic villages. A particularly important target was a German gun battery located at Merville, which Allied intelligence believed contained artillery pieces capable of shelling Sword beach.

Once all objectives were achieved, the Airborne units were instructed to establish a bridgehead around the locations they had secured and await the arrival of the infantry units that landed on the beaches. The 6th Airborne Division’s 3rd and 5th Brigades were assigned to complete these tasks and received detailed briefings on their specific objectives. As a result of its inclusion in the operation, 1 CPB was the first Canadian unit to set foot in France during the D-Day operation.

On June 3, 1944, 1 CPB’s personnel proceeded to Down Ampney Airfield, Cirenster, where they drew and fitted their parachutes and examined the Dakota C-47 aircraft that would transport them to France. The following day, the aircraft crews stationed at Bulford Camp met with the “sticks”—a group of paratroopers transported in one plane—they would transport to France.

All ranks rested on the morning and afternoon of June 5 before assembling in full gear for final inspection at 1930 hours. A and B Companies proceeded to Down Ampney Airfield, where each stick reported to its assigned aircraft. C Company, which was given the task of securing the drop zone prior to their comrades’ arrival, departed from another airfield in an Albemarles aircraft at 2230 hours. The remainder of the unit’s paratroopers boarded their C-47s at 2245 hours and were in the air 15 minutes later.

Each Company had a specific assignment. After securing the drop zone, C Company was to destroy a German signal exchange and bridge, then neutralize any enemy positions in the village of Varraville. A Company was to protect the left flank of the 9th Para Battalion as it captured the Merville Battery. B Company was given the task of destroying two bridges over the River Dives and securing the hamlet of Robehomme, located on an area of high ground in the middle of a swampy area.

Map of I CPB's June 6, 1944 Operations

The flight was uneventful until the planes encountered light “flak” as they approached the French coast. The 1st Canadian Parachute Battalion was dropped in France between 0100 and 0130 hours June 6, 1944. Poor visible and adverse weather conditions meant that some of the unit’s sticks were scattered over a wide area, in some cases a considerable distance from the drop zone.

C Company, the first group on the ground, was dropped west of the Dives River, some of its sticks landing a considerable distance away. As a result, the paratroopers did not head for a designated rendezvous point, opting instead to immediately secure the village of Varraville and a nearby chateau while a small group established defensive positions around a bridge across the Divette River.

While the village was quickly secured and the bridge successfully destroyed by Royal Engineers, a group of German soldiers in a pillbox located inside a chateau held out until 1030 hours before finally surrendering. German artillery targeted the village early in the afternoon, but the paratroopers held their ground until British commandos arrived at 1500 hours. The paratroopers then headed to Le Mesnil, where they were to meet the rest of the battalion.

A Company was dropped around 0100 hours but its paratroopers were also scattered. A group large enough to undertake its objectives had gathered by 0600 hours and moved out toward the Merville battery, encountering no opposition en route. The soldiers secured the 9th Parachute Battalion’s flank until its personnel had secured the battery and then headed toward the strategic Le Mesnil - Bavent crossroads, arriving at their destination at 1530 hours.

In the early hours of June 7, a party of German infantry, supported by several Mk. IV tanks, had attacked A and C Company’s positions at the Le Mesnil - Bavent crossroads. The paratroopers employed several mortars they had brought with them to inflict significant casualties on the enemy, forcing them to withdraw.

Two platoons of B Company landed in marshy ground south and west of Robehomme and proceeded toward their objective. A local French woman guided the paratroopers through the marshes and around German mine fields to a bridge near Robehomme. Upon reaching their destination, the soldiers met a second group of comrades. When the Royal Engineers designated to destroy the bridge failed to arrive, the men gathered whatever charges were available and demolished the structure.

A guard remained at the bridge while the main party retreated to Robehomme. While there were no enemy soldiers in the hamlet, the soldiers encountered German patrols attempting to infiltrate the area. A firefight ensued, during which the Company took several casualties before the enemy party retreated. The paratroopers then established an observation post in the church spire, which provided an excellent view of a road from Port de Vacaville to Varraville.

B Company remained in Robehomme throughout the following before moving off toward the Le Mesnil crossroads at 2330 hours June 7. By that time, its numbers had increased to 150 “all ranks” as stragglers joined their comrades. The men arrived at their objective at 0330 hours June 8, bolstering the battalion’s strength. During the day, 1 CPB managed to neutralize a group of German soldiers firing at their positions from several nearby structures. Personnel also repelled a second attack on their location later in the day.

By June 9, the situation stabilized, the paratroopers enduring only nuisance fire from several snipers. The majority of the men had the first opportunity to rest since landing in France. Throughout the following week, the battalion held its positions at Le Mesnil. While German artillery, mortar and machine gun fire struck the area and enemy ground units made several attempts to launch a major counterattack, supporting Allied artillery fire dispersed each effort.

By mid-month, the threat of attack had disappeared and exchanges of fire diminished considerably. On June 17, the British 5th Para Brigade assumed responsibility for the Le Mesnil crossroads and 1 CPB retired to the Ranville area, near the Orne River. During its first days in the line, the unit suffered a total of 10 fatalities and 109 men wounded.

June 18 was the unit’s first full day of rest since the D-Day landings. The only enemy action was sporadic shelling of the main road passing through Ranville, with the occasional aircraft above. The battalion remained in the area until 1100 hours June 20, when it relocated to a rest camp beside the River Orne. While the area was subjected to occasional shelling, the men were comfortably settled in by evening.

Hot weather arrived on June 21, prompting the unit to organize bathing parties in the river. For the first time in several days, the men donned clean clothes. Over the next few days, personnel visited an Army Cinema at Lac Sur Mer and strolled the beaches at nearby Ouistreham. At 1000 hours June 25, the battalion formed up and set out for the Le Mesnil crossroads, where it relieved the 13th Parachute Battalion.

Wet weather set in the following day as enemy mortar and artillery fire sporadically struck 1 CPB’s positions. Personnel carried out rigorous patrolling of the area in an attempt to identify all enemy positions. A light rain continued into June 27, when a platoon was dispatched to B Company’s positions to assist in establishing a “strong point” in one of the buildings located there. The activity prompted enemy mortar and sniper fire that killed one OR.

At 1200 hours June 27, Brigade Command informed the unit that information gathered by patrols was not sufficient to clearly identify and locate enemy units. As a result, plans were formulated for an attack on a known German headquarters, with the goal of capturing prisoners and locating enemy machine gun and mortar positions.

At 2230 hours June 27, the 8th Para Battalion on the Canadians’ right flank conducted the raid, while 1 CPB’s A and B Companies provided covering fire. The maneuver proved successful, securing the much-needed information. Only one officer and one OR were slightly wounded during exchanges of fire with enemy forces.

On June 28, Royal Engineers were busy reinforcing B Company’s forward position. Intermittent artillery and mortar fire throughout the day kept the soldiers on the alert. Forward observation posts successfully identified several German strongpoints and roadblocks being established in front of the battalion’s position.

At 1200 hours, German artillery targeted B Company’s positions, inflicting several minor casualties. The remainder of the afternoon was quiet, with minor patrol activity. At approximately 1800 hours, a lone German artillery shell struck the unit’s location. Private Joseph Harry King, who was manning the location as part of the unit’s PIAT [Projector Infantry Anti-Tank] platoon, was instantly killed in the explosion and a second soldier was wounded.

Another shell later struck Battalion Headquarters, wounding four personnel. A visiting Royal Engineers Captain was killed by a third shell that landed in the same area. While the unit’s mortar battery provided effective counter-fire. limited long-range visibility prevented the soldiers from pinpointing the exact location of the artillery fire.

The following day, Private Joseph Harry King was buried in a cemetery at Le Mesnil. A letter to Millie from Canadian military authorities, dated July 31, 1944, informed her that her husband “was killed in action against the enemy” in France on June 28, 1944. Harry’s remains were re-interred in Ranville British Cemetery, Ranville, France.

The 1st Canadian Parachute Battalion remained in Normandy until August 26, 1944, when the 6th Airborne Division was relieved and returned to the United Kingdom. During its first tour in France, the battalion suffered a total of 367 casualties, a statistic that included five officer and 76 OR fatalities. After reinforcing its ranks, the unit returned to Europe in late December 1944 and later saw action in the Ardennes as a ground unit during the following month’s Battle of the Bulge.

1 CPB later served as a ground infantry unit in the Netherlands and completed its last air drop near Hamminkeln, Germany, on March 24, 1945. The paratroopers fought on German soil throughout the final days of the war and was the first Canadian unit to return home, arriving in Halifax on June 21, 1945.

At the time of Harry’s death, his father Murray was serving overseas as a Lance Corporal with the Royal Canadian Corps of Signals. The exact details of his time in uniform are unknown. Murray safely returned to Canada and passed away in Camp Hill Hospital, Halifax, on September 19, 1958. His remains were interred in Camp Hill Cemetery.

Harry’s younger brother James Harold also served overseas during the Second World War. James enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at Halifax on March 29, 1943, and proceeded overseas on April 30, 1944. James crossed the English Channel to France in late August and was assigned to the Essex Scottish Regiment (Windsor, ON) on September 1, 1944.

Slightly wounded on October 5, James was admitted to hospital, where he made a full recovery and subsequently returned to action on November 28, 1944. He spent the winter of 1944-45 in the Netherlands, enjoying nine days’ personal leave to the United Kingdom in mid-January 1945. He rejoined his Essex Scottish comrades in the Netherlands as fighting continued. Tragically, Private James King was killed in action near Xanten, Germany, on March 8, 1945. Initially “buried with religious rites in a temporary grave located on the western outskirts of Xanten,” James was re-interred in Nijmegen Canadian Military Cemetery, on August 21, 1945.

In the late 1940s, Harry and James’ younger brother John McNabb King reunited with his father Murray in Halifax. Sadly, he died at 844 Barrington St., Halifax, on November 5, 1949, one month shy of his 21st birthday, the cause of death listed as “congenital heart disease.” A fourth King sibling, Walter Murray, died in the Pictou County Home for Disabled, Riverton, on April 13, 1972, at 37 years of age, the result of a brain tumour.

Viney Sarah Johnston, grandmother to the King siblings and mother of their father Murray, passed away in Victoria General Hospital, Halifax. on December 3, 1958, one month shy of her 94th birthday. Viney was interred in Hillcrest Memorial Cemetery, Lower Sackville. The fate of Murray’s fifth son, Charles A., is unknown.

Thanks to Jean Cumnings, Eight Island Lake, Guysborough County, for providing a photograph of Harry King after he was taken in by the Cummings family. Special thanks to Frank Streicher, Halifax, NS, for enhancing the image. Individuals in photograph (left to right): Harry King; Isabella Cummings; mother Dora Cummings (hidden in back); Mary Cummings; Albert Cummings (front); and Russell behind his father Ivan Cummings.

Private Gordon Rudolph Hartling—Killed in Action June 9, 1944

Gordon Rudolph Hartling was born in Spanish Ship Bay, Guysborough County, on May 5, 1921. Gordon’s father Frank Berton Hartling was the son of John and Mary Hartling, Spanish Ship Bay, while his mother Mary Elizabeth “Bessie” was the daughter of William Angus and Caroline Rudolph, Liscomb. The couple were married in Liscomb on February 16, 1907.

Private Gordon Hartling's headstone, Beny-sur-Mer Canadian Military Cemetery

Frank and Bessie raised a family of 10 children in their Spanish Ship Bay home—daughters Ida May (DOB November 10, 1910), Mary Josephine (January 4, 1915), and Caroline Alice (c. 1927); sons William Frederick (May 1908), Ellsworth Arthur (May 8, 1913), Hawley Irvin (December 2, 1917), Gordon Rudolph (May 5, 1921), Burton Alexander (c. 1923), and Frank Lyman (1931).

Gordon’s military service file contains few details on his early life. He had never resided outside of Guysborough County and was a general labourer prior to his military service. On July 16, 1940, he enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at Camp Aldershot, NS, and was initially assigned to the West Nova Scotia regiment. Four days later, Gordon commenced basic infantry training.

Gordon remained at Aldershot until late March 1941, when he was transferred to the North Nova Scotia Highlanders, which was headquartered in Amherst. Initially established as a machine gun unit in 1936 when two Canadian militia units—the Cumberland Highlanders and the Colchester & Hants Regiment—amalgamated, the North Novas transitioned to an infantry unit after the outbreak of war overseas. On June 3, 1940. the unit was assigned to the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division’s 9th Brigade, where it served alongside the Highland Light Infantry of Canada (Waterloo, ON) and Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders (Cornwall, ON).

In mid-July 1941, Gordon departed for overseas with the North Novas, disembarking at Avonmouth, UK, on July 31. Three long years of training and “home defence” duties followed as Allied units prepared for the long-awaited invasion of Western Europe. While a large contingent of Allied forces departed for the Mediterranean theatre in early July 1943, the less experienced 3rd Division remained in the UK.

On July 10, 1943, the Mediterranean force landed on the southern coast of Sicily, the start of a months-long combat campaign against Italian and German forces. The day after the invasion, Gordon commenced a two-week three-inch mortar training course at Cissbury Camp, Sussex, England. In September, the North Novas travelled to the Isle of Bute, Scotland, for a month-long training exercise.

Throughout the autumn and winter of 1943-44, the North Novas participated in a series of training operations, many of which involved amphibious landings. In late May 1944, the unit was “sealed in camp” near Fareham, England, as final preparations for the Allied invasion of France commenced.

On June 3, 1944, the battalion broke camp and travelled to Southampton. Its soldiers boarded a transport ship and awaited further orders while anchored off nearby Netley. The flotilla of vessels assembled in the inlet moved out to open sea at 1400 hours June 5 and “formed up” in preparation for departure, their exact destination still a mystery.

The first wave of British, American and Commonwealth units came ashore on the beaches of Normandy around 0800 hours June 6, 1944. Infantry units from the 3rd Canadian Division’s 7th and 8th Brigades landed on Juno Beach, where they successfully established a beach-head. The North Novas headed toward a beach near Bernières-sur-Mer, slightly east of the Juno Beach landings, at 1140 hours, an hour later than planned. The only recorded casualties occurred when a mortar carrier struck a mine after landing on the beach, wounding several crew members.

As the beach was crowded with landing craft, it took more than two hours for all North Nova personnel to come ashore. The 8th Brigade had encountered stiffer resistance than expected. As a result, the unit was unable to proceed through the town to a designated assembly point near Bény-sur-Mer, approximately six kilometers inland. In response, Lieutenant Colonel Donald F. Forbes, the unit’s Commanding Officer (CO), decided to assemble the battalion in a nearby field.

At 1605 hours, the unit was finally able to “move off” to a designated assembly area, arriving there 40 minutes later. Its war diary commented, “We had just arrived in this…[location] when we came under shell and mortar fire, resulting in five casualties, two killed and three wounded,” the unit’s first Normandy campaign fatalities.

The battalion set out toward its objective—Carpiquet Airfield, on the western outskirts of the city of Caen, approximately 20 kilometers inland from Bernières-sur-Mer—at 1820 hours. Leading the vanguard was the “recce” troop of 27th (Sherbrooke Fusiliers) Canadian Armoured Regiment (CAR), its tanks forming a screen in front of the North Nova soldiers. Behind the tanks were two personnel carriers transporting two C Company platoons, a Machine Gun platoon, one troop of M-10 mobile anti-tank guns, two pioneer assault sections, and four detachments of the unit’s anti-tank guns.

Behind the vanguard, A Company’s men travelled inland aboard the tanks of 27th CAR’s A Squadron on the right side of the advance, while the 27th CAR’s B Squadron transported B Company’s soldiers on the left flank. D Company, riding aboard the 27th CAR’s C Squadron’s tanks, brought up the rear.

The forward units encountered no serious resistance until itheyreached Villons-Les-Buissons, approximately 11 kilometers inland. As evening was approaching, military commanders realized that the battalion would not reach its objective before dark. As a result, the vanguard was ordered to dig in for the night. The unit’s war diary reported a total of four “other ranks” (OR) killed and another six wounded during the North Nova’s first day in Normandy.

At 0300 hours June 7, 27th CAR tank fire dispersed an attempted German counter-attack. Shortly afterward, enemy mortar and machine gun fire was heard to the rear of the unit. German forces attempting to cut around behind the NNSH’s position had encountered the 8th Brigade’s Régiment de la Chaudières. Significant losses forced the enemy force to withdraw.

At 0740 hours, the North Novas moved off in the same order, following the main road From Villons-les-Buissons toward Carpiquet. The unit’s war diary noted that the area “was full of [German] snipers and machine guns.” To the right of Villons-les-Buissons, an 88-mm German gun opened fire on the lead tanks but was quickly eliminated. By 0930 hours, the vanguard had cleared enemy forces from the village and moved on to Buron, where a second 88-mm gun was captured.

By 1150 hours, the vanguard had passed through Buron and continued its advance toward Authie. D Company was assigned the task of “mopping up” any remaining enemy forces in the Buron area while A and B Companies pressed onward behind the leading force. When D Company personnel reached the outskirts of Buron, they encountered heavy mortar fire, in addition to sniper and machine gun fire from pockets of German soldiers hidden in the village.

Meanwhile, the vanguard reached Authie, where it encountered three German machine gun posts. “Hectic fighting” ensued as enemy mortar and artillery fire struck the area from both flanks, as well as locations beyond the village. Officers commanding the vanguard immediately radioed for tank and artillery support. Unfortunately, Allied artillery guns were out of range and could not respond to the request.

As a troop of 27th CAR support tanks arrived, several German 88-mm guns opened fire on the armoured vehicles. Meanwhile, realizing that further advance was not possible, the vanguard’s soldiers attempted to dig in and establish a firm base. Allied units on both flanks—the 3rd British Division on the left and the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade on the right—had not kept pace with the North Novas’ rapid advance, placing its soldiers in a perilous situation. In fact, the unit had advanced further inland on June 7 than any other Allied unit, leaving both flanks exposed to German infantry and armoured attack.

In response, vanguard personnel on each flank were ordered to join the vanguard’s C Company to form a “fortress.” A Company dug in on the right, just north of Authie. B Company, which had not kept pace with the vanguard, was instructed to do the same on the left flank as soon as it arrived. Meanwhile, the remainder of the battalion held its positions in the rear.

As the North Novas attempted to establish a firm defensive formation, nine German tanks and two German infantry companies attacked from Saint-Contest on the left flank and Cussy directly beyond Authie. The action effectively eliminated any possibility of a North Nova retreat. In response, the officers in charge of the vanguard decided to “fight it out in front of Authie.” The North Novas’ June 7 war diary entry reported, “Nothing further was heard from this small formation and no one escaped to tell the story of their gallant action.”

Shortly after the first German counter-attack, additional tanks launched a second assault from the area beyond Authie. All available 27th CAR tanks quickly moved forward from positions south of Buron and a major tank battle ensued. A total of 27 Canadian and 40 German tanks were destroyed before enemy forces withdrew.

Unfortunately, B Company had only advanced to a location south of Buron and was unable to assist the besieged party at Authie. By 1630 hours, Headquarters deemed it impossible for the remainder of the battalion to push forward and issued orders to “bring the forward troops back” and form a fortress south of Buron.

The Buron area itself soon came under heavy German artillery and mortar fire. Enemy tanks broke through on the flanks, making the location untenable. In response, the remnants of B Company withdrew to previously dug slit trenches to the rear of D Company and the battalion “went to ground and prepared to hold on to the last.”

As the German tanks approached on the flank, the remaining 27th CAR tanks and the available self-propelled guns opened fire from a wooded area near Villons-les-Boissons, with the support of machine gun and rifle fire from positions north of Buron. The German guns immediately neutralized the fire from Buron, allowing enemy soldiers to penetrate D Company’s forward slit trenches. Unable to rise and engage the attacking soldiers, two D Company platoons surrendered after expending their ammunition. When a heavy Allied counter-barrage forced the attackers to the ground, two sections of one D Company platoon managed to escape.

By that time, D Company reported that enemy forces had overrun its forward positions and it required immediate support. A rapid counter-attack force was assembled and fierce fighting followed under a heavy Allied artillery concentration. With the support of the 12 remaining 27th CAR tanks, North Nova soldiers pushed forward under cover of the artillery barrage and drove enemy forces back toward Authie.

The North Novas managed to recapture Buron, but lacked sufficient manpower to consolidate and hold the position as darkness set in. What remained of the North Novas and 27th CAR received permission to withdraw to high ground in a wooded area near Villons-les-Buissons, where the 9th Brigade’s Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders were also encamped.
 
Meanwhile, A Company near Authie found itself surrounded by German infantry and tanks, and was unable to withdraw to safety. After holding out for several hours against a much larger enemy force, its remaining soldiers surrendered at 1700 hours. Some vanguard personnel managed to slip into the surrounding wheat fields during the late afternoon and evening hours and retreated to Villons-les-Buissons, where they joined the remainder of the 3rd Brigade in the wooded area.

No counter-attack developed during the night as the North Novas and 27th CAR prepared to re-occupy Buron in the morning. Military commanders subsequently cancelled the orders as the remainder of the 3rd Brigade moved forward and occupied the town of Villons-Les-Buissons to the right of the wooded area.

The North Novas’ June 7th war diary entry recorded the day’s losses as known at that time—one officer and 10 “other ranks” (OR) killed; three officers and 27 OR wounded; and a shocking nine officers and 195 OR missing. Over the next several days, additional information allowed officials to account for many of the missing. In total, 16 officers and non-commissioned officers (NCOs) and 37 OR were killed on June 7, 1944, while 20 officers and NCOs and 88 OR were wounded.

The following day, the battalion’s circumstances showed little sign of improvement. The weather was “clear and cool” and the early morning hours of June 8 “passed without incident,” allowing “the two-day battle-weary troops…to get a few hours sleep.” German artillery and mortar fire struck the unit’s position throughout the day as its field strength was “somewhat bolstered by the arrival of the ‘Left Out of Battle’ personnel.”

During the evening hours, “it was apparent that the enemy were teeing up an attack on our position.” When the counter-attack commenced at 2200 hours, heavy supporting artillery, mortar, tank and infantry fire forced the German soldiers to retreat. “No enemy reached our position [as] mortaring continued, with most of us remaining awake throughout the night.” At day’s end, the unit’s war diary reported four OR killed and 13 wounded in the day’s exchanges of fire.

Weather on the morning of June 9, 1944, was “fair and warm.” The situation was quiet until 0830 hours, when German artillery and mortar fire targeted the North Novas’ position for about an hour. Enemy half-track vehicles were then spotted about 1,000 meters away, rapidly approaching the unit across an open field. The North Novas’ machine guns immediately opened fire, forcing the attackers to retreat.

At 1130 hours, an observation post reported German soldiers creeping through tall grass toward the unit’s forward positions in an extended line, about 900 meters away. A similar attack formed on the left flank held by the Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders. When the advancing soldiers were approximately 200 meters away from the North Novas’ leading slit trenches, “hell broke loose” as a German 88-mm gun began firing on the unit’s location.

An artillery SOS brought down a hail of shells approximately 600 meters in front of the North Novas as the soldiers in the forward positions engaged the attackers. A fierce firefight ensued, after which German forces once again retreated. The unit’s war diary reported, “That was the last we saw of the enemy but not the last we heard of them as we were shelled throughout the day.”

As the remainder of the day passed, the besieged battalion’s situation improved significantly. Having endured German attacks from both flanks and directly ahead of its location for almost three days, the 9th British Brigade moved forward on the North Novas’ left flank, while a second Brigade from the 51st Highland Division advanced on their right flank. At 2300 hours, fighting patrols were dispatched toward enemy positions. The North Nova Scotia Regiment recorded eight OR killed and 18 wounded during the day’s fighting. The following day, much-needed reinforcements arrived in camp and the unit began to re-organize after four very difficult days in the line.

Private Gordon Rudolph Hartling was one of the OR killed during the fighting on June 9, 1944. One of Gordon’s comrades, Private Everett Glendon Hatton, Springhill, NS, came through the unit’s first combat experience without injury. Everett was one of the North Novas’ “originals,” enlisting with the unit on September 2, 1939, and remained with the battalion until its dissolution on September 10, 1945.

Everett’s older brother, George Hatton, had served as a minister in Liscomb prior to the war. Everett had visited him on several occasions and made Gordon’s acquaintance while in the community. In the aftermath of the June 9th fighting, the surviving North Nova soldiers carefully combed their positions, in search of wounded soldiers. Coming across a soldier lying face down on the ground, Everett rolled him over to check on him, only to discover that it was Gordon’s body. In the words of a family descendant, “That shook him up very badly.”

Gordon’s remains were initially buried a temporary grave located “in [a] field east of Château Les Buissons, just outside [an] orchard, Les Buissons, France.” On June 17, 1944, his mother Bessie received a Canadian Pacific telegram, informing her that “Private Gordon Rudolph Hartling [was] officially reported killed in action ninth June 1944.” Gordon’s remains were re-interred in Beny-sur-Mer Canadian Military Cemetery, Beny-sur-Mer, France, on February 12, 1945.

Beny-sur-Mer Canadian War Cemetery, Beny-sur-Mer, France

Gordon’s father Frank died at home on September 20, 1949, the result of a coronary thrombosis. He was laid to rest in St. Luke’s Anglican Cemetery, Liscomb. In her later years. Bessie moved to Westphalia, Dartmouth, NS, where she lived with her daughter Mary Josephine and her husband Lyman Hubley. She passed away there on May 18, 1963, and was buried beside her husband Frank in Liscomb.

Photograph of Gordon's headstone and cemetery courtesy of The War Graves Photographic Project. Information on Everett Hatton courtesy of Don Hatton, Spanish Ship Bay, NS.

Private James Wallace Corkum—Died of Wounds June 8, 1944

 James Wallace Corkum was born in Port Bickerton, Guysborough County, on September 9, 1919, the older of Judson Randolph and Alma (Turple) Corkum’s two sons. James was a direct descendant of Johan Wilhelm Von Gorkum (1713 - 1783) and his wife, Sophia Catherina Speiss (1718 - 1793), Westhofen, Rhine Palatine, Germany. The couple and their five oldest children arrived in Halifax, NS, around 1751 as part of a British initiative to establish a Protestant population in the British colony.

Private James Wallace Corkum's headstone, Cassino Military Cemetery

The following year, the family joined a large group of recently arrived German Protestant and French Huguenot families in establishing a new settlement at Lunenburg. Three more children joined the Von Gorkum household after their arrival in Nova Scotia. Over time, the family surname was changed to “Corkum.”

George Heinrich “Henry” Corkum (1749 - 1836), Johan and Sophia’s fourth child, married Elizabeth Collicutt (1775 - 1836) on September 6, 1777. The couple raised a large family of 14 children—eight daughters and six sons—in the Lunenburg area. One of Henry and Elizabeth’s sons, John William, was born in Chester on October 17, 1782, and married Salome Dohnig (1784 - 1870) at Lunenburg on May 18, 1809.

Like his father, John William presided over a large family that grew to include five sons and five daughters. Uriah (1824 - 1891), John William and Salome’s second-youngest child, was born in Lunenburg in 1824 and eventually settled in Peggy’s Cove. Around 1852, Uriah married Mary Charlotte Kaiser (1828 - 1881). The couple raised a family of four children—daughters Emmeline (1853 - 1938) and Dora (1881 - ), and sons Norman Stanford (1864 - 1930) and Ira Judson (1866 - 1938).

Uriah and Mary Charlotte’s oldest son, Norman Stanford Corkum, relocated to Guysborough County, where he married Olive Blanche Keizer (Kaiser), daughter of Amos and Sarah Keizer, Port Bickerton, on December 12, 1889. Norman and Blanche raised a family of six sons and four daughters—Evelyn (1890), William (1893), Judson Randolph (1895), Sarah (1896), Esther Olga (1898), Jenny (1900), Cecil (1903), Harry (1904), Vernon (1905) and Everett (1907 - 1999).

Judson Randolph, Norman and Blanche’s third child, married Alma Regina Turple, daughter of Angus and Esther Turple, Clam Bay, Halifax County, at Pictou, NS, on November 1, 1918. While Judson and Alma were both living in Pictou County at the time of their marriage, they set up home in Port Bickerton, where their first child, James Wallace, was born on September 9, 1919. A second son, Carl Douglas, joined the family on March 4, 1921.

Alma passed away on February 3, 1924, at age 26 and was buried in Caribou, Pictou County, where her parents resided. On November 19, 1924, Judson married Olive Viola Rudolph, daughter of John and Eliza (Hallett) Rudolph, Liscomb, in a ceremony held in St. James Rectory, Pictou. Judson and Olive subsequently raised two children—a daughter Daisy Regina (c. 1926) and a son Robie Monahan (c. 1932)—in their Port Bickerton home. A fifth child, Francis (1920 - 1990), a son of Olive’s by a previous relationship, was also raised in the Corkum household.

James Wallace Corkum left school after Grade 4 and went to work in the local fishery around 1930. His younger brother Carl Douglas died of pulmonary tuberculosis at home on August 20, 1938, after a brief illness. He was only 17 years old at the time of his passing.

The outbreak of war overseas soon impacted James Corkum’s life. Under the terms of the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA) passed by the Canadian Parliament in June 1940, Canadian men of military service age were required to register with the federal government. On March 22, 1941, James completed a medical examination at Sherbrooke to determine his fitness for service. One month later, in compliance with NRMA requirements, James enlisted with the Canadian Army Reserve at New Glasgow.

On June 7, 1941, James was officially “taken on strength” at No. 6 District Depot, Halifax, and attached to No. 61 Basic Training Centre, New Glasgow, for training. In late June, he proceeded to Camp Aldershot for advanced infantry instruction. After several months at Aldershot and Yarmouth, he departed for overseas on November 10, 1941.

Two weeks later, James arrived in the United Kingdom and reported to No. 2 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), where he awaited further orders. Transferred to No. 1 CIRU on December 5, 1941, he spent three months with the reinforcement unit before being assigned to the West Nova Scotia Regiment on March 11, 1942.

The West Nova Scotia Regiment was created in 1936 when the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments were amalgamated into one unit. The battalion officially mobilized for service on September 1, 1939, and departed for overseas in December 1939. Military officials assigned the “West Novas” to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Brigade, where its soldiers served alongside the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) and the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec’s “VanDoos”).

James spent the next 16 months training with the West Novas and serving in various “home defence” assignments. During that time, 2nd Canadian Division units participated in the ill-fated Dieppe raid (August 1942). In its aftermath, Allied leaders continued to discuss the possibility of an invasion of German-occupied Europe, While they concluded that the situation was not yet right for a campaign in Western Europe, a consensus gradually formed around an invasion of Italy, German’s Axis ally.

British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill described the Mediterranean theatre and Italy in particular as the “soft underbelly of Europe.” Italian forces were considered inferior to their German counterparts and the chances of military success were thus considered much better. The details of the plan took shape throughout the early months of 1943 as British, Commonwealth and American units rehearsed amphibious landings in various locations around the United Kingdom.

The 2nd Canadian Division had suffered considerable losses at Dieppe and was rebuilding its ranks. The 3rd Canadian Division was the last to arrive overseas and military commanders believed that its units required more training. As a result, the entire 1st Canadian Division was assigned to the Allied Mediterranean Force that assembled in late June 1943 and departed for Italy in early July.

The invading force came ashore in Sicily on July 10, 1943, and fought its way across the island over the next five weeks. Canadian forces crossed the Strait of Messina to Reggio, located on the southernmost tip of the Italian peninsula, on September 3, 1943. A larger American and British force landed at Salerno, south of Naples, several days later.

Throughout the autumn of 1943, Allied units pushed their way northward. While the Italian government officially surrendered shortly after the mainland invasion, German units firmly resisted the advance. Canadian units spent the early months of 1944 in Allied sectors north of the town of Ortona, which had been liberated in late December 1943.

While British and Canadian forces advanced slowly up the Adriatic coast, an Allied army consisting of American, British and Commonwealth forces on the western coast, adjacent to the Tyrrhenian Sea, struggled to advance toward the capital of Rome. While American and British units had landed at Anzio and Nettuno on the German right flank, the units were unable to advance beyond their beach-head along the Pontine Marshes.

In an effort to break the deadlock on the western coast, Allied commanders devised plans to launch an attack inland, east of the Anzio beach-head. The primary target was the Liri Valley, located between the Lepini Mountains on its western side and the main chain of Apennine Mountains to the east. The entrance to the valley stretched for 15 to 20 kilometers from the town of Cassino beneath the Apennines to the Liri River, which wound its way northwestward along the valley’s western side.

The Liri Valley provided a direct route to the Alban Hills, beyond which lay the Italian capital. Recognizing its strategic value, German forces established an elaborate defensive system to block Allied access to the area.  Monte Cassino, a former monastery located in the Apennines above the town of the same name, provided an excellent vantage point for observing Allied troop movements.

Behind the valley entrance, the Germans constructed two elaborate defensive lines. The first, called the Gustav Line, lay in the area around Pignatoro, while a larger system, dubbed the Hitler Line, was located further north, in the region of Pontecorvo. On the eastern side, the Polish Corps was assigned the unenviable task of dislodging German forces from atop Monte Cassino. Meanwhile, British and Commonwealth forces focused on the central and western sectors of the valley entrance.

The Allied attack on the Liri Valley commenced on May 11, 1944. French, British and Indian units advanced as far as the Gustav Line on the first day. While Polish forces on the eastern flank continued their efforts to dislodge enemy forces atop Monte Cassino, Allied commanders sought to exploit the gains made in the central and western sectors of the line.

On May 15, Canadian units moved forward to support areas behind the Allied line’s western sector. The West Nova Regiment departed from their camp at Bucciano and travelling by motor transport through mountainous terrain to the Liri Valley in hot, dry weather.

The following day, the soldiers had their first glimpse of their next objective—a lush, green valley nestled between mountains on either side, the landscape dotted with orchards and fields of tall grass or waist-high wheat. Streams running from the mountains wound their way across the valley, carving deep gullies that created obstacles for tanks and armoured vehicles. Shrubs and trees along their banks provided excellent cover for anti-tank weapons.

The West Novas relieved a Mahratta battalion from the Indian Division on the evening of May 16. The following morning, the soldiers were served a hot breakfast and then formed up along the Pignatoro - Pontecorvo Road, where they awaited orders to advance. Enemy artillery and mortar fire blanketed the area, inflicting several casualties.

Around mid-morning, the West Novas passed through their Royal 22e Régiment comrades’ line and attacked the remnants of the Gustav Line. The defences consisted of slit trenches, machine gun, mortar and neberwerfer (rocket-propelled projectiles) pits and fortified houses scattered across the fields and orchards. Two Companies led the way, with support from British tanks, while the remaining two Companies followed in support.

Numerous German soldiers surrendered as the unit pushed forward, while an occasional group, usually occupying a farmhouse, resisted but were quickly overpowered. Snipers in trees and along the roads posed a greater threat, but overall enemy resistance collapsed quickly. Most casualties were the result of artillery and mortar fire.

Tanks supporting the advance encountered a ravine several hundred meters from the start line and fell behind the advancing infantry. The armoured vehicles soon caught up and provided supporting fire as the unit consolidated its positions. By nightfall, personnel were safely entrenched in fields near a farmhouse called Case di Georgio, located on a bend of the highway from Pignatoro, which extended into the valley.

Under cover of darkness, West Nova soldiers pushed forward approximately three kilometers and established a base from which their Carleton & York comrades could continue the advance the following day. Artillery shelling continued to strike the area throughout the evening, but casualties were light. Meanwhile, German forces gradually withdrew to the Hitler Line, blanketing the main roads with harassing mortar and artillery fire.

Over the next several days, the 3rd Brigade’s three units rotated through advanced positions in a series of “leap frog” movements. On May 19, the West Novas swung westward and passed through the Royal 22e’s lines under intense artillery, mortar and machine gun fire. The maneuver involved crossing the 20-foot-wide Forme d’Aquino, a stream running through a deep gully.

Once on the other side, the soldiers made their way across a swampy flat covered with bushes and dug in along a low ridge in the evening hours. A heavy rain commenced during the night and continued into the morning of May 20, creating uncomfortable conditions. The sun emerged in the afternoon and support personnel brought hot meals to the men. The unit held its position for the next 48 hours.

By May 22, Canadian forces had reached the Hitler Line and adjusted their brigades in preparation for an attack on the Liri Valley’s final defences. Following a preliminary bombardment, three Canadian battalions, including the 3rd Brigade’s Carleton & Yorks, would launch the initial advance with tank support.

Their target consisted of a series of well-concealed slit trenches, machine gun, mortar and nebelwerfer emplacements hidden in wooded areas. In every stone structure, German forces established strongpoints, reinforced by sandbags and equipped with dugouts under their earthen floors. Tanks were concealed in clusters of shrubs or buried almost to turret depth in grain fields that provided cover for the weapons. Artillery covered all approaches, while low belts of barbed wire and personnel mines were planted across the landscape.

At 4:30 am May 23, the West Novas ate breakfast and moved into their assigned positions at first light. In front of them, the Carleton & Yorks launched the opening attack as a rolling artillery barrage provided cover. In response, German artillery shelled the Canadian support areas. Many of the tanks supporting the attack fell victim to fire from well-concealed positions and self-propelled guns moving through wooded area by-passed by the infantry during its advance.

So many tanks were lost in the initial attack that infantry units were forced to pause until replacements arrived. Rain began to fall at mid-morning and became a torrential downpour by afternoon. Support personnel brought hot meals forward while the soldiers waited. As the hours passed, German artillery, nebelwerfer and mortar fire impacted the West Novas’ ranks. C Company had set out with 107 men but had its ranks reduced to 55 before day’s end.

Tank support from the Trois Rivières Regiment finally arrived around 4:30 pm and the advance resumed. The West Novas’ A & B Companies passed through the Carleton & Yorks’ line in front of the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road. The 1st Canadian Brigade to the soldiers’ left had moved forward along the Liri River’s west bank but were soon held up. Similarly, on the right flank the 2nd Brigade encountered fierce resistance, gaining little ground while suffering heavy casualties.

The West Novas’ successful advance created an opportunity to have a significant impact on the attack’s final outcome. The Pontecorvo - Aquino road in front of them represented the best escape route for German forces. Close by, a second road out of Pontecorvo ran northward at an angle to their location. If the West Novas could secure it, German forces would be cut off from possible retreat. As Pontecorvo was the Hitler Line’s main bastion, its capture would result in the line’s collapse.

Brigade commanders immediately recognized the opportunity and ordered the West Novas forward with orders to cut off the second road and hold it at all costs. A & B Companies immediately advanced, following a supporting artillery barrage. The attack surprised the Germans opposite their location, prompting many to surrender without opposition. The few posts that held out were left to C & D Companies as they carried out a “mopping up” operation.

While supporting tanks were unable to cross a deep gully, the soldiers pressed forward on their own, passing through a German counter-barrage and reaching the second Pontecorvo road before sunset. Along the way, the unit overcame spotty resistance, advancing to a ridge beyond the road where the men established a defensive position.

The West Novas assumed that the 48th Highlanders had advanced to positions on their left flank. Unbeknownst to them, German forces had gathered along a smaller road in that area, shielded from view by thickets and small hills. Within minutes, the Nova Scotians became the target of a significant counter-attack from the front and left that spread to their rear. D Company officers soon spotted large numbers of German soldiers moving through grain fields on their left flank. While they placed an urgent call for artillery support that dealt with the attacking force, the Company lost an entire section before the threat was eliminated.

Meanwhile, a large group of enemy soldiers assembled in front of A Company and prepared to attack its position. While officers requested an artillery barrage, the soldiers dug in close to the road in preparation. To make matters worse, while the West Novas were engaged in defending their position from attacks on the western flank, a second German force from Pontecorvo crept through waist-high grain along the southeastern side of the road, well past the rear of C & D Companies. As daylight began to wane, the enemy attacked A Company from the flank and rear.

A Company’s forward platoons, busy digging in and having no weapons at hand, were taken completely by surprise. The soldiers who survived were taken prisoner. As German forces escorted their captives northward along the road, they unexpectedly encountered the West Novas’ B Company, which fired its machine guns over the enemy soldiers’ heads before focusing on the German column. In an effort to escape, the Canadian prisoners quickly dove into the surrounding fields.

Also unknown to the other three Companies, a small number of A Company soldiers had survived the German attack and established a defensive position in slit trenches around their headquarters. The group of 10 soldiers managed to hold off enemy forces advancing toward them through the grainfield. To their left, D Company, spread out among farmhouses about 700 to 800 meters to the left of the road, were in considerable danger as they were totally unaware of what was happening to their comrades.

As night fell, German soldiers and one tank attacked D Company from the front, while another group attacked from the left flank, supported by two tanks. The West Nova soldiers managed to force the attacking forces to the ground, but suffered considerable casualties in the process. Discouraged by anti-tank fire in the dwindling light, the German tanks eventually withdrew, providing some relief to the besieged Nova Scotians.

C Company also found itself in a precarious situation, cut off with D Company in the direction of Pontecorvo and well behind German lines. Meanwhile, B Company was isolated on the ridge to the northeast. Between the two groups lay a handful of A Company survivors, clutching to a strip of land along the Pontecorvo road.

Lieutenant-Colonel Ronald Stephen Edward Waterman, the West Novas’ commanding officer, managed to inform Brigade commanders of the situation and a troop of the Trois Rivières Regiment’s tanks, was immediately dispatched to rescue the beleaguered group, accompanied by whatever West Nova soldiers were available at battalion Headquarters.

With support from three tanks, an officer and 18 reinforcements managed to reached A Company. The small group’s arrival persuaded attacking German forces that their numbers were much larger by continually moving their four Bren guns to various locations throughout the evening. By 1:00 am May 24, the situation had stabilized but still remained perilous.

During the night, the West Novas could hear the sound of transports moving along the nearby road. While the soldiers assumed the vehicles were elements of the 1st Canadian Brigade, they were in fact German soldiers fleeing Pontecorvo. Their Canadian comrades did not enter the town until after daylight on the morning of May 24. German forces around the West Novas’ positions followed their retreating comrades, gradually making their way northwest along a cart track that passed through the fields.

As dawn broke, tanks from the 5th Canadian Armoured Division greeted the weary West Novas. The armoured vehicles had managed to advance through a gap in the Hitler Line and were pursuing the retreating enemy. Their arrival assisted the beleaguered unit in driving off the final German attacks on its positions.

During the morning, the remaining West Nova soldiers withdrew to positions behind the Pontecorvo road, while the Irish Regiment of Canada and the 5th Armoured Division’s tanks pursued the retreating German forces, Thomas Raddall, author of the West Novas’ comprehensive unit history, described what transpired in the aftermath of the regiment’s rescue:

“Most of the [West Novas'] dead were buried where they fell, but Padré Wilmot managed to collect the bodies of 14 where the Regiment had passed over the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road, close to a dug-in German tank which had done great damage before it was destroyed. Here they were buried in a small plot on the east side of the road immediately opposite a small Italian wayside shrine.”

The last of the wounded West Novas were evacuated from the battlefield at 4:00 pm May 24. Meanwhile the 5th Canadian Armoured Division reached the Melfa River, a tributary of the Liri located eight kilometers in front of the Hitler Line. The West Novas remained in the line until May 26, at which time its war diary described the state of its soldiers:

“…[B]attalion practically out on its feet[,] having been fighting in or under shell and mortar fire continually since 16 May with very little sleep…. Our best moment in days - [orders received] to move forward about one mile to [a] new area, dig in and sleep.”

The final attack on the Hitler Line was a costly one for Canadian units. A total of 272 soldiers were killed and 601 wounded on May 23, 1944. The West Nova Scotia Regiment was particularly hard-hit during its Hitler Line tour. From May 16 to 26, Commonwealth War Graves records indicate that the unit suffered a total of 48 fatalities. May 23 in particular accounted for almost one-third of these losses—17 West Nova soldiers were killed that day.

Private James Corkum was among the wounded soldiers evacuated to field ambulance for treatment.  According to documents in his service file, he had received a compound fracture of his left femur and right hand, and a “penetrating” wound to the right lower quadrant of his abdomen. The nature of his injuries suggests that he had been struck by shrapnel from an exploding artillery or mortar shell.

By June 4, James had been transferred to No. 5 Casualty Clearing Station, where his condition was described as “dangerously wounded.” He lingered for several days before succumbing to his wounds on June 8, 1944. James was initially buried in a small cemetery near Pignataro Interamna, Frosinone, Italy.

A letter from military authorities to James’ father Judson, dated June 19, 1944, informed him that his eldest son had “died as the result of wounds received in action against the enemy.” James’ remains were re-interred in Cassino Military Cemetery, Cassino, Italy, on March 12, 1945.

Cassino Military Cemetery, Cassino, Italy

Olive Corkum passed away at home on December 15, 1959, and was laid to rest in Hillside Cemetery, Port Bickerton. Her husband Judson Randolph died on December 14, 1962, and was buried in Wine Harbour.

Images courtesy of The War Graves Photographic Project.

Corporal Floyd Edwin MacKenzie—Killed in Action June 7, 1944

 Floyd Edwin MacKenzie was born in Roachvale, Guysborough County, on May 18, 1921, the youngest of Alexander Edward and Mildred Sophia (Horton) MacKenzie’s four children. Alexander was the son of Edward and Eliza (George) MacKenzie, while Mildred was the daughter of Moses Cook and Caroline Orissa “Carrie” (Nickerson) Horton, Roachvale. Mildred’s brother, Vernon Cecil Horton, served overseas with the Royal Canadian Regiment during the First World War. Several years after returning home, he died in Roachvale on March 31, 1926, from sickness related to his military service.

Corporal Floyd Edwin MacKenzie

Alexander and Mildred’s first child, Edmund Clyde, was born in 1910 but died on September 27, 1915, at five years of age. A daughter, Mildred Elizabeth, joined the family on January 8, 1915, while a second son, Alexander Cecil, arrived on January 10, 1917. Floyd, the youngest of the Mackenzie children, was born in 1921.

Floyd’s father Alexander suffered from asthma and allergy-related respiratory problems throughout his life. The dusty conditions of farming and Nova Scotia’s damp weather significantly impacted his health, prompting doctors to suggest a change in climate. Years earlier, Alexander’s sister Beth had left for the United States, where she worked as a buyer for J. L. Hudson Department Stores. Beth invited Alexander and his young family to reside with her, in hopes that the move would improve Alexander’s health.

During their time in the United States. Beth’s job took the MacKenzie family to Detroit, Michigan; Los Angeles, California; and Long Island, New York. Despite the change in environment, Alexander’s health did not improve. Eventually, the family returned to Roachvale, where Alexander resumed operation of the family farm.

Several years after returning to Nova Scotia, a farming accident triggered a series of health issues that led to Alexander’s death. A horse accidentally crushed his foot, the shock of the injury triggering a severe asthma attack. His respiration gradually worsened and he died on April 6, 1938. Alexander’s death certificate attributes the cause of death to lobar pneumonia, with asthma and pulmonary emphysema as contributing factors. He was 69 years old at the time of his passing.

Floyd left school at age 14, having completed Grave VII, and went to work on the family farm. After his father’s passing a few years later, he and his older brother Alexander Cecil assumed operation of the family farm. Floyd worked  there for five years prior to his military enlistment.

On July 1, 1940, Floyd attested for service with the Pictou Highlanders at Mulgrave, NS. At the time, the militia unit was stationed the Strait of Canso, where its personnel performed guard duty at two coastal artillery batteries established in Auld’s Cove and Sand Point shortly after the outbreak of war overseas.

Floyd was 19 years old at the time of his enlistment and was just over six feet tall. Despite a lack of previous military experience, he was immediately transferred to the North Nova Scotia Highlanders for infantry training. Initially established as a machine gun unit in 1936 following the amalgamation of militia units from Cumberland, Colchester and Hants Counties, the unit established its headquarters in Amherst after the outbreak of war overseas. The battalion subsequently transitioned to an infantry unit and assigned to the 3rd Canadian Division’s 9th Brigade, where it served alongside the Highland Light Infantry of Canada (Waterloo, ON) and Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders (Cornwall, ON).

Floyd spent the remainder of 1940 in Amherst, where he completed infantry training. He received a two-week furlough in mid-January 1941 and several days’ “pre-embarkation leave” in mid-July, returning to the North Novas in time for their overseas departure on July 18, 1941. The unit spent the next three years in the United Kingdom training and performing British “home defence” duty.

Within months of his overseas arrival, Floyd had made an impression on his superior officers. On April 17, 1942, he was promoted to the rank of Acting Lance Corporal. He advanced to Acting Corporal two and a half months later and was “confirmed in the rank of Corporal” in mid-November. Floyd maintained his non-commissioned rank for the duration of his overseas service. The rank brought with it considerable responsibility—Floyd was one of two non-commissioned officers (NCOs) responsible for the operation of a platoon section.

The 3rd Division’s battalions were the last Canadian infantry units to arrive overseas. The 2nd Division provided infantry units for the ill-fated Dieppe Raid (August 1942), where they suffered significant losses. When Allied commanders assembled plans for an invasion of Italy in early 1943, the 2nd Division was still rebuilding its ranks and the newly arrived 3rd Division had the least amount of training. As a result, the 1st Canadian Division was selected to depart for Sicily in early July 1943 as part of the Allied Mediterranean Force.

Following the invading force’s departure for Italy, 2nd and 3rd Division personnel in the UK participated in a series of training exercises in Scotland and England. The focus was on an eventual Allied invasion of Western Europe tentatively planned for 1944. Several exercises were large-scale manoeuvres where units rehearsed amphibious landings.

On June 3, 1944, the North Nova Scotia Highlanders broke camp and travelled to Southampton, where its soldiers boarded a ship. The unit awaited further orders while anchored off nearby Netley. The flotilla of vessels assembled in the inlet moved out open sea at 1400 hours June 5 and “formed up” in preparation for departure for France.

Around 0800 hours June 6, 1944, the first wave of British, American and Commonwealth units came ashore on the beaches of Normandy. Infantry battalions from the 3rd Canadian Division’s 7th and 8th Brigades landed on Juno Beach, where they established a beach-head. The North Novas began their trek ashore to a beach near Bernières-sur-Mer, slightly east of Juno Beach, at 1140 hours, one hour later than planned. The only casualties occurred when a mortar carrier struck a mine after landing on the beach, wounding several crew members.

As the beach was crowded with landing craft, it took more than two hours for all North Nova soldiers to come ashore. The 8th Brigade, which was part of the first wave landings, ran into stiffer resistance in Bernières-sur-Mer than anticipated. As a result, the North Novas were unable to proceed through the town to their designated assembly point near Bény-sur-Mer, approximately six kilometers inland. In response, the North Nova’s Commanding Officer (CO), Lieutenant-Colonel Donald F. Forbes, decided to gather his men in a nearby field.

At 1605 hours, the unit was finally ready to “move off,” reaching at a designated assembly area 40 minutes later. Its war diary noted, “We had just arrived in this…[location] when we came under shell and mortar fire, resulting in five casualties, two killed and three wounded.” At 1820 hours, the battalion finally moved off toward its objective—Carpiquet airfield, on the western city of Caen, approximately 20 kilometers inland from the beach where they landed.

Leading the vanguard’s advance was the “recce” troop of the 27th Canadian Armoured Regiment (Sherbrooke Fusiliers), its tanks forming a screen in front of the advance force. Behind the tanks were two personnel carriers transporting two C Company platoons, a Machine Gun platoon, one troop of M-10 mobile anti-tank guns, two pioneer assault sections, and four detachments of the unit’s anti-tank guns.

Behind the vanguard, A Company’s men moved inland aboard the tanks of 27th CAR’s A Squadron on the right side of the advance, while the 27th CAR’s B Squadron transported B Company’s soldiers on the left flank. D Company, riding aboard the 27th CAR’s C Squadron’s tanks, brought up the rear.

Source: Will R. Bird, No Retreating Footsteps: The Story of the North Nova Scotia Highlanders

The vanguard encountered no serious resistance until it reached the outskirts of Villons-les-Buissons, approximately 11 kilometers inland. As evening was approaching, military commanders realized that the unit would not reach its objective before dark. In response, they ordered the vanguard to dig in for the night. The unit’s war diary reported a total of four “other ranks” (OR) killed and another six wounded during the North Nova’s first day in Normandy.

At 0300 hours June 7, 27th CAR’s tanks dispersed an attempted German counter-attack. Shortly afterward, enemy mortar and machine gun fire was heard to the rear of the unit, as German forces attempting to cut around behind the NNSH’s position encountered the 8th Brigade’s Régiment de la Chaudières. Significant losses forced the enemy force to withdraw.

At 0740 hours, the North Novas moved off in the same order, following the main road from Villons-les-Buissons to Carpiquet. The unit’s war diary noted that the area “was full of [German] snipers and machine guns.” To the right of Villons-les-Buissons, an 88-mm gun opened fire on the lead tanks but was quickly silenced. By 0930 hours, the vanguard had cleared enemy forces from the village and moved on to Buron, where a second 88-mm gun was captured.

By 1150 hours, the vanguard had passed through Buron and proceed onward toward Authie. D Company was assigned the task of “mopping up” remaining enemy forces in the Buron area, while A and B Companies pressed forward behind the leading force. When D Company personnel reached the outskirts of Buron, they immediately encountered heavy mortar shelling, in addition to sniper and machine gun fire from pockets of German soldiers hidden in the village.

Meanwhile, the vanguard reached Authie, where it encountered three German machine gun posts. “Hectic fighting” ensued as enemy mortar and artillery fire struck their location from both flanks, as well as from positions beyond the village. Officers commanding the vanguard immediately radioed for tank and artillery support. Unfortunately, Allied artillery guns were out of range and could not respond to the request.

As a troop of 27th CAR support tanks arrived, several German 88-mm guns opened fire on the armoured vehicles. Meanwhile, realizing that further advance was not possible, the vanguard’s soldiers attempted to dig in and establish a firm base. Allied units on both flanks—the 3rd British Division to the left and the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade on the right—had not kept pace with the North Novas’ rapid advance, placing the soldiers in a perilous situation. In fact, the unit had advanced further inland on June 7 than any other Allied unit, leaving both flanks exposed to German infantry and armoured counter-attack.

In response, vanguard personnel on each flank were ordered to join C Company in forming a “fortress.” A Company dug in on the right, just north of Authie. B Company, however, had not kept pace with the vanguard. It received instructions to dig on on the left flank as soon as it reached the area. Meanwhile, the remainder of the battalion held its position in the rear.

As the North Novas attempted to establish a firm defensive formation, nine German tanks and two German infantry companies attacked from the direction of Saint-Contest and Cussy. Their action effectively eliminated any possibility of retreat. In response, North Nova officers in charge of the vanguard decided to “fight it out in front of Authie.” The unit’s June 7 war diary entry reported, “Nothing further was heard from this small formation and no one escaped to tell the story of their gallant action.”

Shortly after the first German counter-attack, additional enemy tanks launched a second assault from the area beyond Authie. All available 27th CAR tanks quickly moved forward from positions south of Buron and a major armoured battle ensued. A total of 27 Canadian and 40 German tanks were destroyed before enemy forces withdrew.

Unfortunately, B Company only managed to reach a location south of Buron and was unable to assist their besieged comrades at Authie. By 1630 hours, Headquarters deemed it impossible for the rest of the battalion to push forward and issued orders to “bring the forward troops back” and form a fortress south of Buron.

The Buron area itself soon came under heavy German artillery and mortar fire. Enemy tanks broke through on the flanks, making the location untenable. In response, the remnants of B Company withdrew to previously dug slit trenches to the rear of D Company. The battalion “went to ground and prepared to hold on to the last.”

As the German tanks approached Buron on the flank, the remaining 27th CAR tanks and available self-propelled guns opened fire from a wooded area near Villons-les-Boissons. Supporting machine gun and rifle fire from positions north of Buron also targeted the approaching enemy armour. German guns immediately neutralized the fire from Buron, allowing enemy soldiers to penetrate D Company’s forward slit trenches.

Unable to rise and engage and the attacking enemy, two D Company platoons surrendered after expending their ammunition. When a heavy Allied counter-barrage forced the attackers to the ground, two sections of one D Company platoon managed to escape to the rear.

By that time, D Company reported that enemy forces had overrun its forward positions and requested immediate support. A rapid counter-attack force was assembled and fierce fighting followed under a heavy Allied artillery concentration. With support from a dozen remaining 27th CAR tanks, North Nova soldiers pushed forward under cover of an artillery barrage and drove enemy forces back toward Authie.

The North Novas managed to recapture Buron, but lacked sufficient manpower to consolidate and hold the position as darkness set in. What remained of the unit and 27th CAR received permission to withdraw to high ground in a wooded area near Villons-les-Buissons, where the 9th Brigade’s Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry Highlanders were also encamped.
 
Meanwhile, A Company near Authie found itself surrounded by German infantry and tanks and was unable to withdraw to safety. After holding out for several hours against a much larger enemy force, its remaining soldiers surrendered at 1700 hours June 7. Some vanguard personnel managed to slip into the surrounding wheat fields during the late afternoon and evening hours and retreated to Villons-les-Buissons, where they joined their North Nova comrades in the wooded area.

No counter-attack developed during the night as the North Novas and 27th CAR prepared to re-occupy Buron after daybreak. Military commanders subsequently cancelled the orders as the remainder of the 9th Brigade moved forward and occupied the town of Villons-Les-Buissons to the right of the wooded area.

The North Novas’ June 7 war diary entry recorded the day’s losses as known at that time—one officer and 10 “other ranks” (OR) killed; three officers and 27 OR wounded; and a shocking nine officers and 195 OR missing. Over the next several days, additional information allowed officials to account for many of the missing. In the final tally, 16 officers and non-commissioned officers and 37 OR were killed on June 7, 1944, while 20 officers and NCOs and 88 OR were wounded. Corporal Floyd MacKenzie was among the North Nova soldiers killed during the day’s tumultuous combat.

Approximately 84 soldiers were officially listed as “missing.” While the majority were later accounted for as prisoners of war, 12 of the missing North Novas were part of a group of 18 men executed by German SS at Abbaye d’Ardennes on June 7 and 8, 1944. Their remains were not discovered until after Allied forces secured the area weeks later and local civilians returned to their homes.

On June 16, 1944, Mildred MacKenzie received a telegram from Canadian military authorities, informing her that her son “Corporal Floyd Edwin MacKenzie has been officially reported killed in action 7th June 1944.” Floyd was initially buried in a temporary cemetery at Beny-sur-Mer. On April 27, 1945, his remains were re-interred in Beny-sur-Mer Canadian Cemetery, Beny-sur-Mer, France.

In her later years, Mildred MacKenzie relocated to Little Harbour Road, New Glasgow, Pictou County, where her son Alexander Cecil resided. She passed away in Aberdeen Hospital, New New Glasgow, on March 28, 1963, as 72 years of age.

Photograph of Corporal Floyd Edwin MacKenzie courtesy of his nephew Brian MacKenzie, Peterborough, ON.