Photo Caption & Contact Email

Banner Photograph: Members of the North Nova Scotia Highlanders in England, 1941 (courtesy of Robert MacLellan, Cape Breton Military History Collections)

Contact E-mail Address: brucefrancismacdonald@gmail.com

Saturday 8 June 2024

Private James Wallace Corkum—Died of Wounds June 8, 1944

 James Wallace Corkum was born in Port Bickerton, Guysborough County, on September 9, 1919, the older of Judson Randolph and Alma (Turple) Corkum’s two sons. James was a direct descendant of Johan Wilhelm Von Gorkum (1713 - 1783) and his wife, Sophia Catherina Speiss (1718 - 1793), Westhofen, Rhine Palatine, Germany. The couple and their five oldest children arrived in Halifax, NS, around 1751 as part of a British initiative to establish a Protestant population in the British colony.

Private James Wallace Corkum's headstone, Cassino Military Cemetery

The following year, the family joined a large group of recently arrived German Protestant and French Huguenot families in establishing a new settlement at Lunenburg. Three more children joined the Von Gorkum household after their arrival in Nova Scotia. Over time, the family surname was changed to “Corkum.”

George Heinrich “Henry” Corkum (1749 - 1836), Johan and Sophia’s fourth child, married Elizabeth Collicutt (1775 - 1836) on September 6, 1777. The couple raised a large family of 14 children—eight daughters and six sons—in the Lunenburg area. One of Henry and Elizabeth’s sons, John William, was born in Chester on October 17, 1782, and married Salome Dohnig (1784 - 1870) at Lunenburg on May 18, 1809.

Like his father, John William presided over a large family that grew to include five sons and five daughters. Uriah (1824 - 1891), John William and Salome’s second-youngest child, was born in Lunenburg in 1824 and eventually settled in Peggy’s Cove. Around 1852, Uriah married Mary Charlotte Kaiser (1828 - 1881). The couple raised a family of four children—daughters Emmeline (1853 - 1938) and Dora (1881 - ), and sons Norman Stanford (1864 - 1930) and Ira Judson (1866 - 1938).

Uriah and Mary Charlotte’s oldest son, Norman Stanford Corkum, relocated to Guysborough County, where he married Olive Blanche Keizer (Kaiser), daughter of Amos and Sarah Keizer, Port Bickerton, on December 12, 1889. Norman and Blanche raised a family of six sons and four daughters—Evelyn (1890), William (1893), Judson Randolph (1895), Sarah (1896), Esther Olga (1898), Jenny (1900), Cecil (1903), Harry (1904), Vernon (1905) and Everett (1907 - 1999).

Judson Randolph, Norman and Blanche’s third child, married Alma Regina Turple, daughter of Angus and Esther Turple, Clam Bay, Halifax County, at Pictou, NS, on November 1, 1918. While Judson and Alma were both living in Pictou County at the time of their marriage, they set up home in Port Bickerton, where their first child, James Wallace, was born on September 9, 1919. A second son, Carl Douglas, joined the family on March 4, 1921.

Alma passed away on February 3, 1924, at age 26 and was buried in Caribou, Pictou County, where her parents resided. On November 19, 1924, Judson married Olive Viola Rudolph, daughter of John and Eliza (Hallett) Rudolph, Liscomb, in a ceremony held in St. James Rectory, Pictou. Judson and Olive subsequently raised two children—a daughter Daisy Regina (c. 1926) and a son Robie Monahan (c. 1932)—in their Port Bickerton home. A fifth child, Francis (1920 - 1990), a son of Olive’s by a previous relationship, was also raised in the Corkum household.

James Wallace Corkum left school after Grade 4 and went to work in the local fishery around 1930. His younger brother Carl Douglas died of pulmonary tuberculosis at home on August 20, 1938, after a brief illness. He was only 17 years old at the time of his passing.

The outbreak of war overseas soon impacted James Corkum’s life. Under the terms of the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA) passed by the Canadian Parliament in June 1940, Canadian men of military service age were required to register with the federal government. On March 22, 1941, James completed a medical examination at Sherbrooke to determine his fitness for service. One month later, in compliance with NRMA requirements, James enlisted with the Canadian Army Reserve at New Glasgow.

On June 7, 1941, James was officially “taken on strength” at No. 6 District Depot, Halifax, and attached to No. 61 Basic Training Centre, New Glasgow, for training. In late June, he proceeded to Camp Aldershot for advanced infantry instruction. After several months at Aldershot and Yarmouth, he departed for overseas on November 10, 1941.

Two weeks later, James arrived in the United Kingdom and reported to No. 2 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), where he awaited further orders. Transferred to No. 1 CIRU on December 5, 1941, he spent three months with the reinforcement unit before being assigned to the West Nova Scotia Regiment on March 11, 1942.

The West Nova Scotia Regiment was created in 1936 when the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments were amalgamated into one unit. The battalion officially mobilized for service on September 1, 1939, and departed for overseas in December 1939. Military officials assigned the “West Novas” to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Brigade, where its soldiers served alongside the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) and the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec’s “VanDoos”).


James spent the next 16 months training with the West Novas and serving in various “home defence” assignments. During that time, 2nd Canadian Division units participated in the ill-fated Dieppe raid (August 1942). In its aftermath, Allied leaders continued to discuss the possibility of an invasion of German-occupied Europe, While they concluded that the situation was not yet right for a campaign in Western Europe, a consensus gradually formed around an invasion of Italy, German’s Axis ally.

British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill described the Mediterranean theatre and Italy in particular as the “soft underbelly of Europe.” Italian forces were considered inferior to their German counterparts and the chances of military success were thus considered much better. The details of the plan took shape throughout the early months of 1943 as British, Commonwealth and American units rehearsed amphibious landings in various locations around the United Kingdom.

The 2nd Canadian Division had suffered considerable losses at Dieppe and was rebuilding its ranks. The 3rd Canadian Division was the last to arrive overseas and military commanders believed that its units required more training. As a result, the entire 1st Canadian Division was assigned to the Allied Mediterranean Force that assembled in late June 1943 and departed for Italy in early July.

The invading force came ashore in Sicily on July 10, 1943, and fought its way across the island over the next five weeks. Canadian forces crossed the Strait of Messina to Reggio, located on the southernmost tip of the Italian peninsula, on September 3, 1943. A larger American and British force landed at Salerno, south of Naples, several days later.

Throughout the autumn of 1943, Allied units pushed their way northward. While the Italian government officially surrendered shortly after the mainland invasion, German units firmly resisted the advance. Canadian units spent the early months of 1944 in Allied sectors north of the town of Ortona, which had been liberated in late December 1943.

While British and Canadian forces advanced slowly up the Adriatic coast, an Allied army consisting of American, British and Commonwealth forces on the western coast, adjacent to the Tyrrhenian Sea, struggled to advance toward the capital of Rome. While American and British units had landed at Anzio and Nettuno on the German right flank, the units were unable to advance beyond their beach-head along the Pontine Marshes.

In an effort to break the deadlock on the western coast, Allied commanders devised plans to launch an attack inland, east of the Anzio beach-head. The primary target was the Liri Valley, located between the Lepini Mountains on its western side and the main chain of Apennine Mountains to the east. The entrance to the valley stretched for 15 to 20 kilometers from the town of Cassino beneath the Apennines to the Liri River, which wound its way northwestward along the valley’s western side.

The Liri Valley provided a direct route to the Alban Hills, beyond which lay the Italian capital. Recognizing its strategic value, German forces established an elaborate defensive system to block Allied access to the area.  Monte Cassino, a former monastery located in the Apennines above the town of the same name, provided an excellent vantage point for observing Allied troop movements.

Behind the valley entrance, the Germans constructed two elaborate defensive lines. The first, called the Gustav Line, lay in the area around Pignatoro, while a larger system, dubbed the Hitler Line, was located further north, in the region of Pontecorvo. On the eastern side, the Polish Corps was assigned the unenviable task of dislodging German forces from atop Monte Cassino. Meanwhile, British and Commonwealth forces focused on the central and western sectors of the valley entrance.

The Allied attack on the Liri Valley commenced on May 11, 1944. French, British and Indian units advanced as far as the Gustav Line on the first day. While Polish forces on the eastern flank continued their efforts to dislodge enemy forces atop Monte Cassino, Allied commanders sought to exploit the gains made in the central and western sectors of the line.

On May 15, Canadian units moved forward to support areas behind the Allied line’s western sector. The West Nova Regiment departed from their camp at Bucciano and travelling by motor transport through mountainous terrain to the Liri Valley in hot, dry weather.

The following day, the soldiers had their first glimpse of their next objective—a lush, green valley nestled between mountains on either side, the landscape dotted with orchards and fields of tall grass or waist-high wheat. Streams running from the mountains wound their way across the valley, carving deep gullies that created obstacles for tanks and armoured vehicles. Shrubs and trees along their banks provided excellent cover for anti-tank weapons.

The West Novas relieved a Mahratta battalion from the Indian Division on the evening of May 16. The following morning, the soldiers were served a hot breakfast and then formed up along the Pignatoro - Pontecorvo Road, where they awaited orders to advance. Enemy artillery and mortar fire blanketed the area, inflicting several casualties.

Around mid-morning, the West Novas passed through their Royal 22e Régiment comrades’ line and attacked the remnants of the Gustav Line. The defences consisted of slit trenches, machine gun, mortar and neberwerfer (rocket-propelled projectiles) pits and fortified houses scattered across the fields and orchards. Two Companies led the way, with support from British tanks, while the remaining two Companies followed in support.

Numerous German soldiers surrendered as the unit pushed forward, while an occasional group, usually occupying a farmhouse, resisted but were quickly overpowered. Snipers in trees and along the roads posed a greater threat, but overall enemy resistance collapsed quickly. Most casualties were the result of artillery and mortar fire.

Tanks supporting the advance encountered a ravine several hundred meters from the start line and fell behind the advancing infantry. The armoured vehicles soon caught up and provided supporting fire as the unit consolidated its positions. By nightfall, personnel were safely entrenched in fields near a farmhouse called Case di Georgio, located on a bend of the highway from Pignatoro, which extended into the valley.

Under cover of darkness, West Nova soldiers pushed forward approximately three kilometers and established a base from which their Carleton & York comrades could continue the advance the following day. Artillery shelling continued to strike the area throughout the evening, but casualties were light. Meanwhile, German forces gradually withdrew to the Hitler Line, blanketing the main roads with harassing mortar and artillery fire.

Over the next several days, the 3rd Brigade’s three units rotated through advanced positions in a series of “leap frog” movements. On May 19, the West Novas swung westward and passed through the Royal 22e’s lines under intense artillery, mortar and machine gun fire. The maneuver involved crossing the 20-foot-wide Forme d’Aquino, a stream running through a deep gully.

Once on the other side, the soldiers made their way across a swampy flat covered with bushes and dug in along a low ridge in the evening hours. A heavy rain commenced during the night and continued into the morning of May 20, creating uncomfortable conditions. The sun emerged in the afternoon and support personnel brought hot meals to the men. The unit held its position for the next 48 hours.

By May 22, Canadian forces had reached the Hitler Line and adjusted their brigades in preparation for an attack on the Liri Valley’s final defences. Following a preliminary bombardment, three Canadian battalions, including the 3rd Brigade’s Carleton & Yorks, would launch the initial advance with tank support.

Their target consisted of a series of well-concealed slit trenches, machine gun, mortar and nebelwerfer emplacements hidden in wooded areas. In every stone structure, German forces established strongpoints, reinforced by sandbags and equipped with dugouts under their earthen floors. Tanks were concealed in clusters of shrubs or buried almost to turret depth in grain fields that provided cover for the weapons. Artillery covered all approaches, while low belts of barbed wire and personnel mines were planted across the landscape.

At 4:30 am May 23, the West Novas ate breakfast and moved into their assigned positions at first light. In front of them, the Carleton & Yorks launched the opening attack as a rolling artillery barrage provided cover. In response, German artillery shelled the Canadian support areas. Many of the tanks supporting the attack fell victim to fire from well-concealed positions and self-propelled guns moving through wooded area by-passed by the infantry during its advance.

So many tanks were lost in the initial attack that infantry units were forced to pause until replacements arrived. Rain began to fall at mid-morning and became a torrential downpour by afternoon. Support personnel brought hot meals forward while the soldiers waited. As the hours passed, German artillery, nebelwerfer and mortar fire impacted the West Novas’ ranks. C Company had set out with 107 men but had its ranks reduced to 55 before day’s end.

Tank support from the Trois Rivières Regiment finally arrived around 4:30 pm and the advance resumed. The West Novas’ A & B Companies passed through the Carleton & Yorks’ line in front of the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road. The 1st Canadian Brigade to the soldiers’ left had moved forward along the Liri River’s west bank but were soon held up. Similarly, on the right flank the 2nd Brigade encountered fierce resistance, gaining little ground while suffering heavy casualties.

The West Novas’ successful advance created an opportunity to have a significant impact on the attack’s final outcome. The Pontecorvo - Aquino road in front of them represented the best escape route for German forces. Close by, a second road out of Pontecorvo ran northward at an angle to their location. If the West Novas could secure it, German forces would be cut off from possible retreat. As Pontecorvo was the Hitler Line’s main bastion, its capture would result in the line’s collapse.

Brigade commanders immediately recognized the opportunity and ordered the West Novas forward with orders to cut off the second road and hold it at all costs. A & B Companies immediately advanced, following a supporting artillery barrage. The attack surprised the Germans opposite their location, prompting many to surrender without opposition. The few posts that held out were left to C & D Companies as they carried out a “mopping up” operation.

While supporting tanks were unable to cross a deep gully, the soldiers pressed forward on their own, passing through a German counter-barrage and reaching the second Pontecorvo road before sunset. Along the way, the unit overcame spotty resistance, advancing to a ridge beyond the road where the men established a defensive position.

The West Novas assumed that the 48th Highlanders had advanced to positions on their left flank. Unbeknownst to them, German forces had gathered along a smaller road in that area, shielded from view by thickets and small hills. Within minutes, the Nova Scotians became the target of a significant counter-attack from the front and left that spread to their rear. D Company officers soon spotted large numbers of German soldiers moving through grain fields on their left flank. While they placed an urgent call for artillery support that dealt with the attacking force, the Company lost an entire section before the threat was eliminated.

Meanwhile, a large group of enemy soldiers assembled in front of A Company and prepared to attack its position. While officers requested an artillery barrage, the soldiers dug in close to the road in preparation. To make matters worse, while the West Novas were engaged in defending their position from attacks on the western flank, a second German force from Pontecorvo crept through waist-high grain along the southeastern side of the road, well past the rear of C & D Companies. As daylight began to wane, the enemy attacked A Company from the flank and rear.

A Company’s forward platoons, busy digging in and having no weapons at hand, were taken completely by surprise. The soldiers who survived were taken prisoner. As German forces escorted their captives northward along the road, they unexpectedly encountered the West Novas’ B Company, which fired its machine guns over the enemy soldiers’ heads before focusing on the German column. In an effort to escape, the Canadian prisoners quickly dove into the surrounding fields.

Also unknown to the other three Companies, a small number of A Company soldiers had survived the German attack and established a defensive position in slit trenches around their headquarters. The group of 10 soldiers managed to hold off enemy forces advancing toward them through the grainfield. To their left, D Company, spread out among farmhouses about 700 to 800 meters to the left of the road, were in considerable danger as they were totally unaware of what was happening to their comrades.

As night fell, German soldiers and one tank attacked D Company from the front, while another group attacked from the left flank, supported by two tanks. The West Nova soldiers managed to force the attacking forces to the ground, but suffered considerable casualties in the process. Discouraged by anti-tank fire in the dwindling light, the German tanks eventually withdrew, providing some relief to the besieged Nova Scotians.

C Company also found itself in a precarious situation, cut off with D Company in the direction of Pontecorvo and well behind German lines. Meanwhile, B Company was isolated on the ridge to the northeast. Between the two groups lay a handful of A Company survivors, clutching to a strip of land along the Pontecorvo road.

Lieutenant-Colonel Ronald Stephen Edward Waterman, the West Novas’ commanding officer, managed to inform Brigade commanders of the situation and a troop of the Trois Rivières Regiment’s tanks, was immediately dispatched to rescue the beleaguered group, accompanied by whatever West Nova soldiers were available at battalion Headquarters.

With support from three tanks, an officer and 18 reinforcements managed to reached A Company. The small group’s arrival persuaded attacking German forces that their numbers were much larger by continually moving their four Bren guns to various locations throughout the evening. By 1:00 am May 24, the situation had stabilized but still remained perilous.

During the night, the West Novas could hear the sound of transports moving along the nearby road. While the soldiers assumed the vehicles were elements of the 1st Canadian Brigade, they were in fact German soldiers fleeing Pontecorvo. Their Canadian comrades did not enter the town until after daylight on the morning of May 24. German forces around the West Novas’ positions followed their retreating comrades, gradually making their way northwest along a cart track that passed through the fields.

As dawn broke, tanks from the 5th Canadian Armoured Division greeted the weary West Novas. The armoured vehicles had managed to advance through a gap in the Hitler Line and were pursuing the retreating enemy. Their arrival assisted the beleaguered unit in driving off the final German attacks on its positions.

During the morning, the remaining West Nova soldiers withdrew to positions behind the Pontecorvo road, while the Irish Regiment of Canada and the 5th Armoured Division’s tanks pursued the retreating German forces, Thomas Raddall, author of the West Novas’ comprehensive unit history, described what transpired in the aftermath of the regiment’s rescue:

“Most of the [West Novas'] dead were buried where they fell, but Padré Wilmot managed to collect the bodies of 14 where the Regiment had passed over the Pontecorvo - Aquino Road, close to a dug-in German tank which had done great damage before it was destroyed. Here they were buried in a small plot on the east side of the road immediately opposite a small Italian wayside shrine.”

The last of the wounded West Novas were evacuated from the battlefield at 4:00 pm May 24. Meanwhile the 5th Canadian Armoured Division reached the Melfa River, a tributary of the Liri located eight kilometers in front of the Hitler Line. The West Novas remained in the line until May 26, at which time its war diary described the state of its soldiers:

“…[B]attalion practically out on its feet[,] having been fighting in or under shell and mortar fire continually since 16 May with very little sleep…. Our best moment in days - [orders received] to move forward about one mile to [a] new area, dig in and sleep.”

The final attack on the Hitler Line was a costly one for Canadian units. A total of 272 soldiers were killed and 601 wounded on May 23, 1944. The West Nova Scotia Regiment was particularly hard-hit during its Hitler Line tour. From May 16 to 26, Commonwealth War Graves records indicate that the unit suffered a total of 48 fatalities. May 23 in particular accounted for almost one-third of these losses—17 West Nova soldiers were killed that day.

Private James Corkum was among the wounded soldiers evacuated to field ambulance for treatment.  According to documents in his service file, he had received a compound fracture of his left femur and right hand, and a “penetrating” wound to the right lower quadrant of his abdomen. The nature of his injuries suggests that he had been struck by shrapnel from an exploding artillery or mortar shell.

By June 4, James had been transferred to No. 5 Casualty Clearing Station, where his condition was described as “dangerously wounded.” He lingered for several days before succumbing to his wounds on June 8, 1944. James was initially buried in a small cemetery near Pignataro Interamna, Frosinone, Italy.

A letter from military authorities to James’ father Judson, dated June 19, 1944, informed him that his eldest son had “died as the result of wounds received in action against the enemy.” James’ remains were re-interred in Cassino Military Cemetery, Cassino, Italy, on March 12, 1945.

Cassino Military Cemetery, Cassino, Italy

Olive Corkum passed away at home on December 15, 1959, and was laid to rest in Hillside Cemetery, Port Bickerton. Her husband Judson Randolph died on December 14, 1962, and was buried in Wine Harbour.

Images courtesy of The War Graves Photographic Project.

No comments:

Post a Comment