Private Norman Clayton Skinner—Killed in Action August 30, 1944

 Norman Clayton Skinner was born on February 4, 1918, in Guysborough, NS, to John Gordon and Laura May (Gero) Skinner. John was the son of Godfrey and Nancy Ann (Armsworthy) Skinner, Guysborough, while Laura was the daughter of Thomas and Margaret (Dismal) Gero, Tracadie. John and Laura married at Guysborough on January 10, 1906.

Private Norman Clayton Skinner

At the time of the 1911 Canadian census, John and Laura were living in Guysborough with John’s widowed mother Nancy. Over the following decade, four children joined the Skinner household—Wilfred Leslie (DOB May 15, 1914); Earl Rayfield (DOB December 1915); Hattie Eugene (DOB December 12, 1916); and Norman, the youngest of John and Laura’s children.

Tragedy stuck the Skinner family on December 27, 1918, when Laura passed away at home. Her death certificate identified the cause of death as “influenza with pneumonia,” but also mentions “premature labour” as a contributing factor. At the time of the 1921 census, the Skinner household consisted of John, widower and farmer, his four children, and his widowed mother Nancy. Also living in the home was 17-year-old Ida May Skinner, whose 1923 marriage license identified John as her “adopted father” and Laura May Gero as her mother.

On February 11, 1922, John Gordon Skinner married Lilly Ann Dorrington, daughter of Lewis and Lilly (McPhee) Dorrington, in a ceremony held in the Methodist Parsonage, Guysborough. Over the next eight  years, Lilly gave birth to five children—Elizabeth (c. 1922); Maud (c. 1924); Dorothy (c. 1925); Pearl (c. 1928); and Chester (c. 1930). The years after John’s second marriage also saw a second Skinner family tragedy. On October 3, 1925, Earl Rayfield Skinner died at home, the result of an accidental gunshot wound.

Norman left school at age 11, having completed Grade VI. There is no record of his early employment, although he may have worked on the farm with his father. Sometime prior to his enlistment, he relocated to New Glasgow, where he was employed as a truck driver with Thomas Mills’ transport business for four years.

On September 11, 1942, Norman enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF) at Sydney, NS. While he gave his address at the time as 44 Dodd St., Sydney, the information in his service file does not explain how or when he came to reside there. Norman commenced training at No. 61 Canadian Army (Basic) Training Centre, New Glasgow, on October 5, and moved on to A14 Training Centre, Aldershot, in mid-December for advanced infantry instruction.

Norman remained in Aldershot for three and a half months. During that time, he was granted a five-day pre-embarkation leave in late February 1943. On March 27, he was appointed to the rank of Acting Sergeant “while on conducting duty.” The following day, he departed for overseas and disembarked in the United Kingdom on April 4. That same day, he reverted to the rank of Private, on being “taken on strength” by the Canadian Army (UK).

On April 7, Norman was posted to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), where he awaited assignment to an active infantry battalion. Two weeks later, he was admitted to British Isolation Hospital. The institution’s name suggests that he had contracted mumps, a common barracks ailment. Norman remained in hospital until mid-May, when he was discharged to duty. On June 18, 1943, he was assigned to the ranks of the Cape Breton Highlanders, 11th Infantry Brigade, 5th Canadian Armoured Division.

The Cape Breton Highlanders trace their roots to the Victoria Provisional Battalion of Infantry, established in Baddeck, NS, on October 13, 1871. Re-designated the 94th Victoria Regiment, Argyll Highlanders, in 1900, the militia unit was placed on active service on August 6, 1914, and later provided recruits for the 185th Battalion, Cape Breton Highlanders, which was authorized on July 15, 1916.

While the 185th crossed the North Atlantic to the United Kingdom in October 1916, the unit never saw active service on the continent. Officially disbanded in November 29, 1918, it was reconstituted as an active militia unit on November 1, 1920, and was called to active service on August 26, 1939. The unit subsequently mobilized the 1st Battalion, Cape Breton Highlanders (CBH), for service with the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF) on January 1, 1941.

The 1st Battalion CBH departed for overseas on November 10, 1941, and was subsequently assigned to the 5th Canadian Armoured Division’s 11th Infantry Brigade, where it served alongside the Perth Regiment (Ontario) and the Irish Regiment of Canada (Toronto, ON). The unit spent two years training in the UK before finally commencing service in the Mediterranean theatre.

By the spring of 1943, there was considerable discussion among Allied political leaders for a military campaign against German forces in Western Europe. While not yet prepared to support an invasion of France, British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill was receptive to action campaign against Italy, Germany’s Axis ally. At the time, he described the Mediterranean area as “the soft underbelly of Europe,” as he believed that Italian forces were substantially weaker than their German counterparts.

In early July 1943, an Allied invasion force consisting of American, British and Canadian units landed on the southern coast of Sicily and fought its was across the island through the summer months. The 5th Canadian Armoured Division (5th CAD) was not part of the group. Instead, it remained in the United Kingdom, where it prepared for deployment in the Mediterranean theatre before year’s end.

Canadian forces crossed the Strait of Messina to the southern tip of the Italian peninsula in early September. Shortly afterward, American forces landed south of Naples. During the autumn of 1943, the two groups fought their way northward, American forces concentrating on the western coast. Meanwhile, British and Canadian units advanced up the centre of the peninsula before swinging eastward to the coastal plains along the Adriatic coast in late September.

In late October, 5th CAD units gathered in several UK ports as part of a reinforcement contingent destined for Italy. Shortly after mid-day October 23, CBH personnel arrived in Liverpool and boarded SS Monterey. The vessel weighed anchor early the following morning with more than 4,000 Canadian soldiers aboard.

CBH’s journey to Italy was not without drama. On November 6, two German fighter bombers attacked its convoy as it made their way into the Mediterranean Sea, sinking one vessel. In the early hours of November 10, the Monterey entered Naples harbour and its passengers disembarked at 0800 hours. For CBH, the date was a significant one—exactly two years previously, it had departed Halifax, NS, aboard SS Arcades. Once ashore, personnel marched to a staging area outside Afragola, a suburb of Naples, approximately 50 kilometers from the Allied front line.

Nine days later, the unit broke camp and travelled by train to Altamira, where it spent two months training. On January 11, 1944, CBH was once again on the move, making its way to the Canadian sector of the front line north of Ortona. Two days later, its soldiers relieved the 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade’s West Nova Scotia Regiment for their first combat tour.

While the front line along the Adriatic coast was “static” throughout the winter of 1943-44, there were daily exchanges of artillery and mortar fire. CBH recorded its first combat fatality on January 15, 1944, when mortar shells struck a forward observation post (FOP), killing one soldier and wounding another. Two days later, the unit’s soldiers participated in their first offensive action in support of the Perth Regiment, its Brigade comrades.

The Perths had launched an early afternoon attack on January 17, but failed to reach their objective. CBH personnel crossed the Riccio River in support and headed toward the nearby Arielli River, only to encounter heavy enemy fire 100 meters short of their first objective. Forced to retreat under cover darkness, the unit suffered a total of 51 casualties, 13 of whom were fatalities. The losses were typical of the Italian campaign, which proved far more costly than Churchill’s optimistic expectations.

On February 11, 1944, Norman was promoted to the rank of Acting Corporal, a sign that he had demonstrated leadership potential. Unfortunately, a camp disciplinary infraction in early April resulted in a reduction to the rank of Private.

With spring fast approaching, Allied commanders prepared for the resumption of combat. Their focus was the western sector of the line, where American and British forces had failed to penetrate German defences. The plan called for a major campaign into the strategic Liri valley, which lay inland from the west coast and ran in northwesterly direction toward Rome. The valley contained two German defensive lines—the Gustav Line at its entrance, anchored by defensive positions at Monte Cassino on its southeastern corner, and the Hitler Line, stretching from Pontecorvo to Aquino at its northwestern end.

Part of the Allied plan involved the Canadian forces deployed in the Adriatic sector. In late March and early April, the units quietly relocated to the western side of the Italian peninsula in preparation for the Liri campaign. On April 12, CBH personnel entered the front lines near Monte Cassino for their first tour in the new sector. The unit served a regular rotation in the line for the remainder of the month before retiring to a camp north of Naples in the early hours of May 6.

Five days later, 1st Canadian Division units participated in an attack on the Gustav Line alongside British and Indian units. The Allied force penetrated the line and slowly advanced up the valley toward the Hitler Line over the next week. A second push through its sectors between Pontecorvo and Aquino occurred on May 23, forcing German units to abandon the positions.

5th CAD did not participate in the attacks on either defensive position. On May 19, CBH left their camp at Capua and began the journey north to the Liri Valley, where 5th CAD was scheduled to take part in the “breakout” phase of the campaign. The battalion arrived in a concentration area south of the Melfa River on May 24 and prepared for its first major combat assignment since its January debut.

5th CAD was not part of the attacks on either defensive line. On May 19, CBH left its camp at Capua and began the journey northward to the Liri Valley, where 5th CAD was scheduled to take part in the “breakout” phase of the campaign. The battalion arrived in a concentration area south of the Melfa River on May 24 and prepared for its first major combat assignment since its January debut.

The following day, CBH personnel participated in an 11th Canadian Infantry Brigade attack across the Melfa River in late afternoon, securing their objective by 1830 hours. The unit suffered six fatalities during the day’s fighting. The advance resumed at 0630 hours May 26 but encountered fierce resistance within half an hour. An attack with artillery and machine gun support finally broke the stalemate, allowing CBH to advance beyond the village of Ceprano by midnight.

The Allied offensive continued throughout the rest of the month as Canadian units crossed 30 kilometers of difficult terrain. CBH reported a total of 30 fatalities, 126 wounded and one soldier missing during its week-long combat tour in the Liri valley.

On June 3, CBH personnel moved out to Ceprano for an extended period of rest and training. Three days later, news of the Allied D-Day landings stirred hope that an end to the war might be on the horizon. The 11th Infantry Brigade relocated to Caiazzo at mid-month and remained in the area for six weeks of intense training. One of the highlights of CBH’s time there was a visit by King George VI to its camp on July 31.

Three days after the King’s visit, the unit was on the move, travelling through Rome to a staging area alongside Lake Bolsena, approximately 130 kilometers north of the capital city. The following day, personnel moved on to a second staging area where they remained for 48 hours. At 0500 hours August 6, CBH relocated to a concentration area, where personnel trained for almost three weeks in preparation for a return to the line.

Canadian units had received orders to prepare for an assault on a section of the Gothic Line, a German defensive network that stretched across the entire Italian peninsula. The line ran from Pesaro on the Adriatic coast through a mountainous area north of Florence to a location south of Spezia on the western coast. The British 8th Army, to which the Canadians were attached, was assigned the task of breaking through the easternmost sector along the Adriatic coast. The assignment proved to be the most difficult of the entire Italian campaign.

During a preparatory stage, 1st Canadian Corps was to penetrate a German defensive line along the Metauro River and advance to the Foglia River, which was located just south of the Gothic Line. The 5th CAD would then launch an assault on German positions north of the Foglia, specifically the sector running inland from Pesaro in a southwesterly direction for 16 kilometers. The area was heavily fortified with strong points, mines, machine gun and mortar positions, and an anti-tank ditch.

The initial phase commenced on August 26 as British, Polish and 1st Canadian Division units crossed the Metauro and advanced to the Foglia River during three days of hard fighting. On the same day that the advance started, CBH began its journey to the forward area, its progress slowed by traffic congestion. Personnel finally reached their first concentration area across the Metauro River, south of Monte Della Mattera, at 1600 hours.

The soldiers remained there for two days, completing preparations for combat as their 1st Canadian Corps comrades completed the first stage. At 2300 hours August 28, CBH moved out, reaching the front lines around 0300 hours August 29. C Company took up positions at Monteciccardo, while the unit’s other three Companies occupied an area in front of high ground beyond Sant’ Angelo.

All personnel were in position by 0430 hours August 29 and began the advance. By mid-day, the soldiers had reached the high ground without opposition. Simultaneously, their Irish and Perth Regiment mates advanced on their flanks.

At 1500 hours, a CBH “recce” (reconnaissance) patrol crossed the Foglia to determine if enemy forces were present. The soldiers reached Point 120, one of the unit’s objectives, where they noticed that the breech blocks had been removed from German guns located there. This was the first suggestion that the enemy may have withdrawn from the area. As the recce party scanned the surrounding countryside, they couldn’t detected any sign of a German presence.

The plan of attack called for an August 30 night-time infantry advance without artillery support. CBH was to advance on Point 120 and move on to another hill to its right—Point 129—before first light. At the same time, the Perths would capture Point 111, a hill on the CBH’s right flank, and advance beyond the location.

The Irish Regiment, waiting in reserve, would then move forward to exploit any opportunities to advance further. Meantime, engineers would prepare river crossings and clear a path through any minefields, allowing tanks and anti-tank guns to move forward. If all went as planned, CBH would secure its objective by daybreak.

At 0400 August 30, an engineering recce party returned with news that minefields had been detected between the Foglia River and Montecchio, resulting in postponement of the 11th Brigade operation. Later in the day, two CBH patrols crossed the river and walked along the main road in front of Point 120 without drawing enemy fire. Officers assumed that German forces had withdrawn and that the hill was unoccupied. It was later discovered that German soldiers had indeed temporarily evacuated the area, but the comrades who were supposed to replace them had not completed the relief process.

Upon receiving the report from the patrols, Brigade Headquarters ordered the attack to commence at 1730 hours August 30, using the Foglia as the start line. CBH’s B Company was given the task of securing Point 120, while A and C Companies would move on to two other hills once the first location was secured. D Company would remain in reserve while the operation took place.

B Company crossed the start line at the scheduled time and advanced without resistance. As its soldiers reached the objective, German forces opened fire from well-sited positions and launched a counter-attack, pushing the lead platoon off Point 120 and forcing the entire Company to the ground. Personnel also found themselves under fire from Point 111, which the Perths had not yet secured.

Meanwhile, the tank squadron assigned to provide support was late arriving on the scene, as it had been directed down the wrong trail. By the time the armoured vehicles reached the area, it was dusk, making it impossible for them to identify and fire at enemy targets. Anti-tank guns moved forward at 2125 hours and A Company attempted an attack on Point 120 from the left flank, only to be immediately driven back.

CBH’s Commanding Officer, Lt. Col. Robert Boyd Somerville, requested and received permission to withdraw the lead Companies to allow supporting artillery to shell the objective. By 2300 hours, after hours of relentless enemy fire, the two Companies had managed to withdraw. During the process, German artillery bombarded the unit’s positions.

Lt. Col. Somerville reorganized CBH’s Companies for a second attack at 0115 hours August 31, following a 30-minute artillery and machine gun barrage. At the designated time, A and D Companies moved forward under a bright moon, with support from a New Brunswick Hussars (NBH) tank squadron. After 30 minutes, D Company was almost on the objective when it encountered fierce enemy fire and finally withdrew to the bottom of Point 120, where it re-united with A Company at 0330 hours.

The two Companies then attempted a second advance, with A Company leading the way. Once again, the soldiers were met with “heavy cross fire” at the bottom of the hill. Due to heavy casualties and the approaching dawn, both Companies withdrew. Meanwhile, the Perths to CBH’s right had enjoyed a measure of success, having secured Point 111. Later in the day, the Irish Regiment passed through the Perth’s lines and finally secured Point 120 with support from a NBH tank squadron.

CBH’s August 30/31 combat debut along the Gothic Line resulted in 63 casualties, 19 of whom were fatalities. Private Norman Clayton Skinner was among the soldiers killed in action during the August 30, 1944 attack on Point 120. Norman’s remains were interred in 5th CAD Cemetery, Montecchio, southwest of Pesaro, alongside his fallen comrades. Existing records do not provide an exact interment date.

Norman’s service file does not contain a copy of the standard telegram sent to next of kin, informing them of a soldier’s death. As his Official Canadian Army Overseas Casualty Notification form was completed on September 11, 1944, his father John likely received the news that he had been killed in action around that date. A letter to John, dated August 23, 1945, informed him that Norman’s remains had been re-interred in Montecchio British Empire Cemetery, Montecchio, eight miles southwest of Pesaro. The information available on the Commonwealth War Graves Commission website does not provide an exact date of re-interment.

Norman’s brother Wilfred also enlisted for military service during the Second World War. On August 30, 1941, Wilfred married Marjorie Helen Worth, daughter of Patrick Worth and Alice Pelley, Guysborough, in St. James Manse, Antigonish. The marriage registration form recorded Wilfred’s occupation at the time as “soldier.” No further details are available on his military service at this time.

John Gordon Skinner passed away in Guysborough on December 27, 1970, two months shy of his eighty-seventh birthday and was laid to rest beside his first wife Laura in Evergreen Cemetery, Guysborough, NS.

Photograph of Private Norman Clayton Skinner courtesy of Michelle Ash-Forget, Pakenham, Ontario.

Private Joseph Placide "Joe" Bond—Killed in Action August 30, 1944

 Joseph Placide “Joe” Bond was born in Port Felix East, Guysborough County, on August 21, 1921, the son of William Thomas “Willie” and Mary Theresa (Cashin) Bond. Both of parents had roots in the same area. Willie was the son of William George Bond and Elizabeth Olive “Lizzie” Pelrine, Port Felix, while Theresa was the daughter of William Cashin and Susan Meagher, Port Feiix East.

Private Joseph Placide Bond (left) and an unidentified comrade in Italy

Willie and Theresa married in Port Felix West on September 13, 1915. At the time of the 1921 Canadian census, the couple was living in Port Felix East with their two oldest children, Mary Catherine, age three, and John Willam, age one. Joseph, their third child, was born several months after the decennial census.

The next 13 years were difficult ones for the Bond family. Willie and Theresa’s oldest son, John William, died on February 20, 1927, at age seven, the result of “dropsy” (heart failure). While five more children arrived after Joe’s birth, only two—Leo Simon (YOB c. 1925) and William Lawrence (YOB c.1928)—survived childhood. Walter Henry, born in October 1926, died from “croup” on November 5, 1928. Margaret Venita, born on August 21, 1932, passed away on August 4, 1934, while Helen Clara died on October 1, 1934, at age one month and nine days. The sisters’ deaths were attributed to “convulsions.”

Joe Bond left school at age 15 and remained in the Port Felix area until the spring of 1941, when he relocated to Halifax. The move may have been prompted by yet another death in the family. On March 15, 1941, Theresa Bond passed away from tuberculosis of the lung at 46 years of age. Upon arriving in the city, Joe found accommodations on George St. and worked as a labourer with Anglis Brothers, Halifax, cement mixer operators, for two months. Unemployed by autumn, he enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at Halifax on October 16, 1941.

At month’s end, Joe reported to No. 60 Canadian Army (Basic) Training Centre, Yarmouth. In early January 1942, he was transferred to No. 14 Advanced infantry Training Centre, Aldershot. While there, he spent 10 days in military hospital with influenza. Upon completing his training in mid-February, he was awarded five day’s pre-embarkation leave.

Joe spent another six weeks at Aldershot before departing for overseas on April 30, 1942. He arrived in the United Kingdom one week later and was posted to No. 5 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU) on May 12. Briefly hospitalized in early August for an unspecified illness, Joe spent the summer months awaiting an assignment to an active unit. On October 29, he was transferred to the Cape Breton Highlanders, 11th Infantry Brigade, 5th Canadian Armoured Division.

The Cape Breton Highlanders trace their roots to the Victoria Provisional Battalion of Infantry, established in Baddeck, NS, on October 13, 1871. Re-designated the 94th Victoria Regiment, Argyll Highlanders, in 1900, the militia unit was placed on active service on August 6, 1914, and later provided recruits for the 185th Battalion, Cape Breton Highlanders, which was authorized on July 15, 1916.

While the 185th crossed the North Atlantic to the United Kingdom in October 1916, the unit never saw active service on the continent. Officially disbanded in November 29, 1918, it was reconstituted as an active militia unit on November 1, 1920, and was called to active service on August 26, 1939. The unit subsequently mobilized the 1st Battalion, Cape Breton Highlanders (CBH), for service with the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF) on January 1, 1941.

The 1st Battalion CBH departed for overseas on November 10, 1941, and was subsequently assigned to the 5th Canadian Armoured Division’s 11th Infantry Brigade, where it served alongside the Perth Regiment (Ontario) and the Irish Regiment of Canada (Toronto, ON). The unit spent two years training in the UK before finally commencing service in the Mediterranean theatre.

During the time Joe served in the UK, he was hospitalized for an undisclosed illness in the second week of November 1942. With the exception of an order confining him to barracks for seven days and garnishing one week’s wages for being AWL (absent without leave) in late January 1943, Joe’s first year with CBH was uneventful.

By the spring of 1943, there was considerable discussion among Allied political leaders for a military campaign against German forces in Western Europe. While not yet prepared to support an invasion of France, British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill was receptive to action campaign against Italy, Germany’s Axis ally. At the time, he described the Mediterranean area as “the soft underbelly of Europe,” as he believed that Italian forces were substantially weaker than their German counterparts.

In early July 1943, an Allied invasion force consisting of American, British and Canadian units landed on the southern coast of Sicily and fought its was across the island through the summer months. The 5th Canadian Armoured Division (5th CAD) was not part of the group. Instead, it remained in the United Kingdom, where it prepared for deployment in the Mediterranean theatre before year’s end.

Canadian forces crossed the Strait of Messina to the southern tip of the Italian peninsula in early September. Shortly afterward, American forces landed south of Naples. During the autumn of 1943, the two groups fought their way northward, American forces concentrating on the western coast. Meanwhile, British and Canadian units advanced up the centre of the peninsula before swinging eastward to the coastal plains along the Adriatic coast in late September.

In late October, 5th CAD units gathered in several UK ports as part of a reinforcement contingent destined for Italy. Shortly after mid-day October 23, CBH personnel arrived in Liverpool and boarded SS Monterey. The vessel weighed anchor early the following morning with more than 4,000 Canadian soldiers aboard.

CBH’s journey to Italy was not without drama. On November 6, two German fighter bombers attacked its convoy as it made their way into the Mediterranean Sea, sinking one vessel. In the early hours of November 10, the Monterey entered Naples harbour and its passengers disembarked at 0800 hours. For CBH, the date was a significant one—exactly two years previously, it had departed Halifax, NS, aboard SS Arcades. Once ashore, personnel marched to a staging area outside Afragola, a suburb of Naples, approximately 50 kilometers from the Allied front line.

Nine days later, the unit broke camp and travelled by train to Altamira, where it spent two months training. During that time, Joe was briefly hospitalized for treatment of an unspecified illness. On January 11, 1943, CBH was once again on the move, making its way to the Canadian sector of the front line north of Ortona. Two days later, its soldiers relieved the 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade’s West Nova Scotia Regiment for their first combat tour.

While the front line along the Adriatic coast was “static” throughout the winter of 1943-44, there were daily exchanges of artillery and mortar fire. CBH recorded its first combat fatality on January 15, 1944, when mortar shells struck a forward observation post (FOP), killing one soldier and wounding another. Two days later, the unit’s soldiers participated in their first offensive action in support of the Perth Regiment, its Brigade comrades.

The Perths had launched an early afternoon attack on January 17, but failed to reach their objective. CBH personnel crossed the Riccio River in support and headed toward the nearby Arielli River, only to encounter heavy enemy fire 100 meters short of their first objective. Forced to retreat under cover darkness, the unit suffered a total of 51 casualties, 13 of whom were fatalities. The losses were typical of the Italian campaign, which proved far more costly than Churchill’s optimistic expectations.

During CBH’s time in the Adriatic sector, Joe was admitted to hospital on February 6. Discharged to duty five days later, he reported to the 2nd Canadian Division’s reinforcement camp, where he waited for two weeks before rejoining his CBH comrades at a rest camp at Villa Roatti—now known as Guastameroli—on February 21.

With spring fast approaching, Allied commanders prepared for the resumption of combat. Their focus was the western sector of the line, where American and British forces had failed to penetrate German defences. The plan called for a major campaign into the strategic Liri valley, which lay inland from the west coast and ran in northwesterly direction toward Rome. The valley contained two German defensive lines—the Gustav Line at its entrance, anchored by defensive positions at Monte Cassino on its southeastern corner, and the Hitler Line, stretching from Pontecorvo to Aquino at its northwestern end.

Part of the Allied plan involved the Canadian forces deployed in the Adriatic sector. In late March and early April, the units quietly relocated to the western side of the Italian peninsula in preparation for the Liri campaign. On April 12, CBH personnel entered the front lines near Monte Cassino for their first tour in the new sector. The unit served a regular rotation in the line for the remainder of the month before retiring to a camp north of Naples in the early hours of May 6.

By that date, Joe was once again no longer among the unit’s “other ranks” (OR). On March 31, he was admitted to No. 24 Canadian Field Ambulance and subsequently transferred to No. 5 British General Hospital in mid-April. His service file does not disclose the nature of his illness. Discharged to duty on May 1, Joe once again reported to reinforcement camp and finally rejoined his comrades in the field on May 16.

During the days immediately prior to Joe’s return, Allied forces had commenced the Liri Valley campaign. On May 11, 1st Canadian Division units participated in an attack on the Gustav Line alongside British and Indian units. The Allied force penetrated the line and slowly advanced up the valley toward the Hitler Line over the next week. A second push through its sectors between Pontecorvo and Aquino occurred on May 23, forcing German units to abandon the positions.

5th CAD was not part of the attacks on either defensive line. On May 19, CBH left its camp at Capua and began the journey northward to the Liri Valley, where 5th CAD was scheduled to take part in the “breakout” phase of the campaign. The battalion arrived in a concentration area south of the Melfa River on May 24 and prepared for its first major combat assignment since its January debut.

The following day, CBH personnel participated in an 11th Canadian Infantry Brigade attack across the Melfa River in late afternoon, securing their objective by 1830 hours. The unit suffered six fatalities during the day’s fighting. The advance resumed at 0630 hours May 26 but encountered fierce resistance within half an hour. An attack with artillery and machine gun support finally broke the stalemate, allowing CBH to advance beyond the village of Ceprano by midnight.

The Allied offensive continued throughout the rest of the month as Canadian units crossed 30 kilometers of difficult terrain. CBH reported a total of 30 fatalities, 126 wounded and one soldier missing during its week-long combat tour in the Liri valley.

On June 3, CBH personnel moved out to Ceprano for an extended period of rest and training. Three days later, news of the Allied D-Day landings stirred hope that an end to the war might be on the horizon. The 11th Infantry Brigade relocated to Caiazzo at mid-month and remained in the area for two months of intense training. One of the highlights of CBH’s time there was a visit by King George VI to its camp on July 31..

Three days after the King’s visit, the unit was on the move, travelling through Rome to a staging area alongside Lake Bolsena, approximately 130 kilometers north of the capital city. The following day, personnel moved on to a second staging area where they remained for 48 hours. At 0500 hours August 6, CBH relocated to a concentration area, where personnel trained for almost three weeks in preparation for a return to the line.

Canadian units had received orders to prepare for an assault on a section of the Gothic Line, a German defensive network that stretched across the entire Italian peninsula. The line ran from Pesaro on the Adriatic coast through a mountainous area north of Florence to a location south of Spezia on the western coast. The British 8th Army, to which the Canadians were attached, was assigned the task of breaking through the easternmost sector along the Adriatic coast. The assignment proved to be the most difficult of the entire Italian campaign.

During a preparatory stage, 1st Canadian Corps was to penetrate a German defensive line along the Metauro River and advance to the Foglia River, which was located just south of the Gothic Line. The 5th CAD would then launch an assault on German positions north of the Foglia, specifically the sector running inland from Pesaro in a southwesterly direction for 16 kilometers. The area was heavily fortified with strong points, mines, machine gun and mortar positions, and an anti-tank ditch.

The initial phase commenced on August 26 as British, Polish and 1st Canadian Division units crossed the Metauro and advanced to the Foglia River during three days of hard fighting. On the same day that the advance started, CBH began its journey to the forward area, its progress slowed by traffic congestion. Personnel finally reached their first concentration area across the Metauro River, south of Monte Della Mattera, at 1600 hours.

The soldiers remained there for two days, completing preparations for combat as their 1st Canadian Corps comrades completed the first stage. At 2300 hours August 28, CBH moved out, reaching the front lines around 0300 hours August 29. C Company took up positions at Monteciccardo, while the unit’s other three Companies occupied an area in front of high ground beyond Sant’ Angelo.

All personnel were in position by 0430 hours August 29 and began the advance. By mid-day, the soldiers had reached the high ground without opposition. Simultaneously, their Irish and Perth Regiment mates advanced on their flanks.

At 1500 hours, a CBH “recce” (reconnaissance) patrol crossed the Foglia to determine if enemy forces were present. The soldiers reached Point 120, one of the unit’s objectives, where they noticed that the breech blocks had been removed from German guns located there. This was the first suggestion that the enemy may have withdrawn from the area. As the recce party scanned the surrounding countryside, they couldn’t detected any sign of a German presence.

The plan of attack called for an August 30 night-time infantry advance without artillery support. CBH was to advance on Point 120 and move on to another hill to its right—Point 129—before first light. At the same time, the Perths would capture Point 111, a hill on the CBH’s right flank, and advance beyond the location.

The Irish Regiment, waiting in reserve, would then move forward to exploit any opportunities to advance further. Meantime, engineers would prepare river crossings and clear a path through any minefields, allowing tanks and anti-tank guns to move forward. If all went as planned, CBH would secure its objective by daybreak.

At 0400 August 30, an engineering recce party returned with news that minefields had been detected between the Foglia River and Montecchio, resulting in postponement of the 11th Brigade operation. Later in the day, two CBH patrols crossed the river and walked along the main road in front of Point 120 without drawing enemy fire. Officers assumed that German forces had withdrawn and that the hill was unoccupied. It was later discovered that German soldiers had indeed temporarily evacuated the area, but the comrades who were supposed to replace them had not completed the relief process.

Upon receiving the report from the patrols, Brigade Headquarters ordered the attack to commence at 1730 hours August 30, using the Foglia as the start line. CBH’s B Company was given the task of securing Point 120, while A and C Companies would move on to two other hills once the first location was secured. D Company would remain in reserve while the operation took place.

B Company crossed the start line at the scheduled time and advanced without resistance. As its soldiers reached the objective, German forces opened fire from well-sited positions and launched a counter-attack, pushing the lead platoon off Point 120 and forcing the entire Company to the ground. Personnel also found themselves under fire from Point 111, which the Perths had not yet secured.

Meanwhile, the tank squadron assigned to provide support was late arriving on the scene, as it had been directed down the wrong trail. By the time the armoured vehicles reached the area, it was dusk, making it impossible for them to identify and fire at enemy targets. Anti-tank guns moved forward at 2125 hours and A Company attempted an attack on Point 120 from the left flank, only to be immediately driven back.

CBH’s Commanding Officer, Lt. Col. Robert Boyd Somerville, requested and received permission to withdraw the lead Companies to allow supporting artillery to shell the objective. By 2300 hours, after hours of relentless enemy fire, the two Companies had managed to withdraw. During the process, German artillery bombarded the unit’s positions.

Lt. Col. Somerville reorganized CBH’s Companies for a second attack at 0115 hours August 31, following a 30-minute artillery and machine gun barrage. At the designated time, A and D Companies moved forward under a bright moon, with support from a New Brunswick Hussars (NBH) tank squadron. After 30 minutes, D Company was almost on the objective when it encountered fierce enemy fire and finally withdrew to the bottom of Point 120, where it re-united with A Company at 0330 hours.

The two Companies then attempted a second advance, with A Company leading the way. Once again, the soldiers were met with “heavy cross fire” at the bottom of the hill. Due to heavy casualties and the approaching dawn, both Companies withdrew. Meanwhile, the Perths to CBH’s right had enjoyed a measure of success, having secured Point 111. Later in the day, the Irish Regiment passed through the Perth’s lines and finally secured Point 120 with support from a NBH tank squadron.

CBH’s August 30/31 combat debut along the Gothic Line resulted in 63 casualties, 19 of whom were fatalities. Private Joseph Placide Bond was among the soldiers killed in action during the August 30, 1944 attacks on Point 120. Joe’s remains were interred in 5th CAD Cemetery, Montecchio, southwest of Pesaro, on September 2.

An Official Canadian Army Overseas Casualty Notification form, stating that Joe had been killed in action, was completed on September 12, suggesting that his father Willie would have received news of his son’s death by telegram around that date. An official letter to Willie, dated August 23, 1945, informed him that Joe’s remains had been re-interred in Montecchio British Empire Cemetery, Montecchio, Italy. Commonwealth War Graves Commission documents related to Joe’s interment do not provide a specific date on which the re-burial had taken place.

William Thomas Bond passed away in Eastern Memorial Hospital, Canso, on September 23, 1970, and was laid to rest in St. Joseph Cemetery, Port Felix, beside his wife Theresa. Willie’s son, Leo Simon, was the informant on his death certificate.

Corporal Vernon William Boudreau—Died of Wounds August 28, 1944

 Vernon William Boudreau was born in Little Dover, Guysborough County, on November 20, 1920, the youngest of John and Margaret (Rhynold) Boudreau’s seven sons. John was the son of Thomas and Catherine Boudreau (Boudrot), Dover, while Margaret was the daughter of James and Esther (Snow) Rhynold, Dover. The couple married in Canso on January 21, 1902.

Corporal Vernon William Boudreau

John Boudreau was a widower at the time of his marriage to Margaret. On July 31, 1893, he had married Cora Grencon, daughter of Michael and Elizabeth Grencon, Arichat. Cora passed away sometime before 1901, when the decennial Canadian census listed John as a 32-year-old fisherman and widower, living in Little Dover with his parents.

By the time of the 1911 census, John and Margaret had established a separate residence in Little Dover with their four oldest children—James, age six (DOB August 1904); Agatha, age five (DOB March 1906); Harold, age three (DOB November 1907); and Alvina, age one (DOB June 1910).

During the following decade, six more children joined the family—Fred (c. 1911), Douglas (c. 1913), Beatrice (c. 1915). Emmett (c. 1917), Francis (c. 1919) and Vernon. A daughter Violet, the last of John and Margaret’s 11 children, was born around 1927.

Vernon left school at age 14, having attended for eight years. As with most boys in a coastal community, he went to work in the local fishery. At the time of his military enlistment, he was “fishing and working at [a] fish plant”—Blue Ribbon Co-operative Society, Little Dover—“sealing cans” in its lobster factory.

On March 16, 1940, Vernon enlisted with the Halifax Rifles, a Canadian Active Service Force (CASF) infantry unit, at Halifax, NS. Eight months shy of his twentieth birthday at the time, his service file reflects his youthful energy. During his first two years in uniform, military officials recorded three “absent without leave” infractions and two other minor disciplinary violations. While not desirable behaviour in a young recruit, fearless tendencies often proved to be valuable qualities on the battlefield.

The Halifax Rifles commenced a significant change on May 26, 1942, as its personnel transitioned from an infantry to an armoured unit—the 23rd Tank Battalion. The regiment’s “other ranks” (OR) now held the rank of “Trooper” as they commenced an intense armoured training program.

The 23rd was assigned to the 2nd Canadian Army Tank Brigade (CATB), which also included the 20th Army Tank Battalion (Saskatchewan Horse), 24th Army Tank Battalion (Les Voltigeurs de Québec), and 26th Army Tank Battalion (Grey & Simcoe Foresters, Ontario).

Vernon’s supervisors saw potential in the young recruit, promoting him to the rank of Lance Corporal on September 15, 1942. He commenced a Gunnery Instructor course at Camp Borden, ON,  in late November 1942 and advanced to the rank of Acting Corporal on January 4, 1943.

Despite failing to qualify as an Instructor, he was promoted to the full rank of Corporal on June 9. Three days later, Vernon was “struck off strength” by the Canadian Army (Canada) as he headed overseas with the 23rd Army Tank Battalion. The unit’s personnel disembarked in the United Kingdom on June 24, 1943

Earlier that year, Canadian overseas armoured units underwent a significant re-organization. While military authorities initially recruited and trained two army tank brigades, the restructuring plan resulted in the dissolution of 2nd CATB. Its four units thus became a reinforcement pool for existing armoured regiments.

As a result, Vernon was transferred to the 22nd Canadian Armoured Regiment (22nd CAR) on August 12, 1943. Like its Halifax Rifles counterpart, 22nd CAR had transitioned from infantry to armoured service. Officially known as the Canadian Grenadier Guards (CGG), the unit traced its roots to a militia regiment established in Montreal, QC, in November 1859.

During the First World War, the CGG recruited the 87th Battalion, which served in Belgium and France until May 1917, when dwindling recruitment numbers resulted in its dissolution. Called to active infantry service on May 24, 1940, CGG commenced its conversion to the 22nd Canadian Armoured Regiment (CAR) in January 1942 and departed for the United Kingdom in late September 1942.

Upon arriving overseas, the unit was assigned to the 4th Canadian Armoured Brigade (4th CAB), which was part of the 4th Canadian Armoured Division (4th CAD). The Brigade consisted of three armoured regiments—the 22nd (Canadian Grenadier Guards), 21st (Governor-General’s Foot Guards), and 28th (British Columbia Regiment). A fourth armoured unit—the Southern Alberta Regiment—served as the Brigade’s reconnaissance (“recce”) group.

Following his arrival in the United Kingdom. Vernon completed several training programs. In early February 1944, he commenced a wireless operator’s course and qualified as a Wireless Operator Class Q1 on March 7. The same day, he was certified as a Gun Operator Class C. In mid-June, he met the requirements for “Driver I/C [internal combustion] tank.”

The 4th Canadian Armoured Division was not part of the D-Day invasion force. Military officials planned to send its units to France once the Normandy beach-head had been secured. On July 19, 22nd CAR left its camp near Crowborough and travelled to an assembly area at Forest Gate, Newham, East London. The following day, equipment loading commenced, a process that took several days.

Personnel moved to the loading area on July 21, boarded vessels and headed down river to the mouth of the Thames, where the ships awaited the remaining convoy vessels. At 1805 hours July 24, the flotilla weighed anchor and proceeded through the Straits of Dover, then along the south coast of England to a location off the Isle of Wight. From there, the vessels proceeded toward Normandy, arriving off Juno Beach at 2000 hours July 25.

The following day, personnel waited aboard their vessels as the unit’s equipment was unloaded. Finally, on July 27, the men came ashore and made their way to a regimental assembly area south of Buhot. The following day, the unit’s officers received notice that 22nd CAR would briefly relieve British 7th Armoured Division units in a location south of Caen before taking over 2nd Canadian Armoured Division positions in the line.

On the morning of July 29, 22nd CAR’s “recce” (reconnaissance) party proceeded to the new area, the unit’s remaining personnel and equipment reaching the location by 1730 hours. Almost immediately, a Guardsman was “killed by enemy shellfire,” the regiment’s first recorded combat fatality on the European continent.

The following day, 22nd CAR relieved the Fort Garry Horse near Grentheville, southeast of Caen. The procedure commenced at 0700 hours July 30, the move taking place one tank troop at a time at five-minute intervals. The unit’s initial assignment was to “act as a mobile counter-attack force.” The following day was quiet as personnel prepared to dispatch recce patrols to gather information on the situation in its sector.

During the first days of August, 22nd CAR endured enemy artillery and mortar fire as its personnel settled into their first combat tour. On August 2, the unit’s war diary noted, “By now [we] can more or less differentiate between the [shells] that will go over or land close by.” During its time in Grentheville, 22nd CAR’s squadrons carried out several “shooting” assignments but made no direct contact with enemy forces.

On August 6, the unit moved to a location near Faubourg-de-Vaucelles, where “as many tanks as possible [were] equipped with an extra track on the outside to give greater protection against 88mm fire.” The following day, its officers received a briefing on an impending major attack along the Caen-Falaise Road, given the code-name “Operation Totalize.” 4th CAD units would take part in the attack’s second, “break-out” phase, scheduled for the afternoon of August 8.

22nd CAR’s tanks moved out at 0030 hours August 8, encountering heavy traffic on the roads as they travelled toward their assigned “forming up” area near Troteval Farm. The unit received orders to move forward at 0845 hours but congestion made it impossible to do so at any speed. The squadrons “advanced as an exceedingly slow rate… as far as Cintheaux…, which was reached [by the first tanks]…at 1500 hours.” During the journey, three tanks were lost to mines.

The unit encountered its first enemy resistance as its tanks attempted to proceed around Cintheaux. Significant fire from German 88mm guns—the enemy’s most effective anti-tank weapon—inflicted 22nd CAR’s first armoured combat losses and halted forward progress. By early evening, the tanks had overpowered the guns defending the village but it was too late in the day to continue.

At 0330 hours August 9, 22nd CAR moved toward Bretteville-le-Rabet in preparation for a dawn attack on the town. The tanks reached the area around 0600 hours and immediately commenced the operation, clearing enemy forces by mid-afternoon. The unit spent the following day near Robert Mesnil, the Allied advance having stalled due to significant enemy resistance.

During the early morning hours of August 11, 22nd CAR’s tanks repelled a German counter-attack. Later in the day, personnel withdrew to the St. Hilaire farm area after being relieved by 21st CAR. Following a quick clean-up, the unit moved out to Gaumesnil, where the men enjoyed their first lengthy break in almost two weeks.

Altogether, 22nd CAR reported a total of 11 fatalities, 43 wounded, and 21 tanks lost during its first tour in the line. The men enjoyed a second day of rest on August 12 and had their first opportunity to utilize mobile bath facilities as they prepared to return to the line. That same day, Cpl. Vernon Boudreau was “struck off strength” and placed on the Canadian Armoured Corps’ reinforcement list.

Vernon’s role during 22nd CAR’s first days in Normandy is unclear. He may have been deployed with one of the unit’s squadrons to gain combat experience, but his service file makes no mention of a squadron assignment. It is also possible that he had travelled with the unit, waiting in a nearby camp as a potential reinforcement. As a non-commissioned officer (NCO), there were fewer opportunities to move into an active role than personnel with the rank of Guardsman, the equivalent to Private in an infantry unit.

Vernon’s time in reinforcement camp was brief. On August 16, he was assigned to 22nd CAR’s No. 2 Squadron. During his four-day absence, the unit had participated in Operation Totalize, a second major “big push” along the Caen-Falaise Road. It is likely that he replaced a Corporal who became a casualty during that operation.

On the day of Vernon’s return, 22nd CAR withdrew from the forward area to “rest, re-equip and re-fit,” its tank strength reduced to 23 operating vehicles after its second Normandy engagement. At 0900 hours August 17, the unit moved out toward Falaise as part of a support “echelon” travelling behind the Allied advance. Progress was once again slow due to the large number of vehicles on the road, the unit reaching Sassy by 1100 hours and halting there.

Later in the day, 22nd CAR received orders to proceed to Louvières-en-Auges, 20 kilometers east of Falaise, which became the first town its personnel “liberated.” The unit’s war diary described the experience:

“We had not seen civilians since leaving Caen until reaching Perrières… but at Louvières we were the first Allied troops to arrive and while our leading troops were taking prisoners and shooting [German soldiers], a thousand yards up the road, the civilians were shaking our hands and offering us wine. They were genuinely glad to see us…. Here we really began to feel like visitors, and the people treated us as such.”

At first light August 18, No, 1 and 3 Squadrons moved forward again, encountering surprised German soldiers who “were completely unaware of our presence in this area.” The unit continued its advance toward Trun, encountering regular anti-tank fire but overcoming the opposition as required. During the day, No. 1 and 2 Squadrons captured more than 40 German prisoners “and had a wonderful time searching through the captured vehicles” for souvenirs.

After a day of maintenance and “a bit of rest,” 22nd CAR moved forward to a hill east of Écorches during the morning of August 20. Simultaneously, various Allied units dealt with the remaining German forces trapped in the “Falaise pocket.” That afternoon, No. 2 Squadron received orders to proceed to a second area of high ground identified as Point 147.

Along its route, the tanks encountered German forces in “every hedge and bush” as they advanced but quickly overcame enemy opposition, taking approximately 70 prisoners. The Squadron spent a “black and rainy” night with little sleep at the location before rejoining the unit “in good spirits” at first light August 21.

Later that same day, 22nd CAR received orders to establish a line of contact with the Polish Armoured Division, which had advanced beyond the main Allied force into an area east of Chamois. As the Canadian tanks pushed forward, the roads were “lined and in places… practically blocked by destroyed German vehicles of every description.”

The unit’s war diary reported scenes that were quite disturbing: “Horses and men lay rotting in every ditch and hedge and the air was rank with the odour of purification. Most of the destruction must have been caused by the air force, but the [Polish tanks] had done [their] share.”

Before day’s end, 22nd CAR’s squadrons reached the Polish force, which had received no fresh supplies for three days. The unit also had several hundred wounded men in need of evacuation, while 700 German POWs “lay loosely guarded in a field.” 22nd CAR personnel brought much-needed supplies forward in armoured personnel carriers that were then used to evacuate the wounded.

The following day, Allied forces completely closed the Falaise pocket as 22nd CAR travelled eastward to Champosoult, where Allied units regrouped. At 0730 hours August 23, the units commenced a march northeastward in pursuit of retreating German forces. Once again, destroyed German vehicles “lined…both sides” of the road as bulldozers leading the line of vehicles cleared a route for the column to pass.

Anti-tank guns encountered around mid-day temporarily halted the advance, the echelon reaching Broglie around 0430 hours August 24. After an eight-hour rest, the column continued along its route, “civilians in large numbers [lining] the road” as they advanced. As 22nd CAR arrived in Bernay, “a group led by a big woman with tousled hair marched down the street singing La Marseillaise with great gusto.”

On August 25, the column crossed the Charentonne River near Fontaine-l’Abbé in fair weather. The 22nd CAR’s war diary described this portion of the journey as “sheer motoring. No resistance was encountered at all. The country is open and gently undulating with good crops and many orchards. Little evidence of war being visible apart from the odd German half-track or tank alongside the road.”

The local population continued to welcome the Canadians, who were somewhat surprised to find Le Neubourg “already in American hands” when they arrived there at 1430 hours. In the local area, only the town of Elbeuf on the banks of the Seine River remained under German control. After arriving in town, tank crews received some much needed time to do maintenance work and write a few letters home.

On August 26, 2nd CAR advanced to Port de l’Arch on the banks of the Seine, east of Elbeuf. The topography along the way was “very woody and close, certainly not tank country.” Personnel were relieved to encounter no opposition, but its recce party was targeted by artillery and mortar fire as it approached the Seine. Upon receiving word that it would not be moving out soon, the unit bedded down for the night “under cover of the trees.”

The following day was bright, sunny and “rather quiet” as personnel spent their time completing maintenance tasks and resting. During an evening meeting at 4th Canadian Armoured Brigade Headquarters, 22 CAR’s CO (Commanding Officer). Lt. Colonel W. W. Halpenny, received details on the imminent crossing of the Seine River. He then shared the details with the unit’s officers at a briefing shortly after midnight.

August 28, 1944, was another beautiful summer day with 22nd CAR moving out at 0730 hours. The unit’s war diary entry summarized the events that took place:

“The crossing [of the Seine] was uneventful but the regiment experienced heavy mortar fire in [an] orchard [as it advanced through an area southeast of Rouen]. Captain G. D. Sherwood was wounded and five other ranks were casualties, two being fatal…. Regiment settled in for the night at 1930 hours,”

A document in the Appendix to 22nd CAR’s August 1944 war diary identified four of the day’s five “other ranks” casualties. Guardsmen G. E. Gates and L. L. Windstorm were killed, while Guardsman E. K. Peacey and Corporal V. W. Boudreau were wounded in the mortar fire incident. Likely evacuated to an unidentified field ambulance or casualty clearing station, Vernon succumbed to his injuries before day’s end.

On August 31, 1944, Vernon was buried in a temporary grave at Trouville-la-Campagne, approximately 14 kilometres south of Elbeuf, France. His service file does not contain a copy of a telegram sent to his mother Margaret. As Vernon’s “Official Canadian Overseas Casualty Notification” form was completed on September 13, 1944, it is likely that Margaret received news of her youngest son’s death around that time.

On July 23, 1945, Corporal Vernon William Boudreau’s remains were re-interred in Bretteville-sur-Laize Canadian War Cemetery, Calvados, France. At the time of his death, one of his brothers, Francis, was serving overseas with an unknown Canadian unit. No further details are available on his military service.

Vernon’s mother Margaret passed away in Little Dover on April 27, 1952. She was four months shy of her 69th birthday at the time of her death. Vernon’s father John died in Little Dover on October 1, 1957, three months short of his 89th birthday. Margaret and John were both interred in a cemetery at Little Dover.

Engine Room Artificer Walter Charles Barss—Perished at Sea August 21, 1944

 Walter Charles Barss was born in Louisbourg, Nova Scotia, on March 19, 1918, to Walter Dinsmore and Edna Evelyn (Horton) Barss. Both of Walter Charles’ parents had family connections to Guysborough County. Walter Dinsmore was the son of Robert Barss, Canso, who was chief cook at the Commercial Cable Company, Hazel Hill. Edna was the daughter of Hiram Horton, Canso, and Henrietta Worth, North Ogden.

Engine Room Artificer Walter Charles Barss

Walter Dinsmore Barss, marine engineer, and Edna Horton married in Canso on March 9, 1915. The couple’s first child, Shirley Roberta, was born in Hazel Hill on June 6, 1916. At the time of Walter Charles’ birth, his father’s line of work had taken the family to Louisbourg. The family later returned to the Canso area, where a third child, Margaret Alaire, was born in Hazel Hill on May 4, 1919.

At the time of the 1921 Canadian census, Walter Sr., Edna and their three children had returned to Louisbourg, where Walter Sr. was employed as an “engineer on [a] steamer.” Three more children joined the household over the following decade—Frances Eugenia, born in Louisbourg on October 22, 1921; Edna Aurora, born around 1926; and Murray Sedley, born around 1930.

Some time after 1931, the Barss family relocated to Sydney River. Walter Jr. graduated from Sydney Academy in June 1935 and went on to study Marine Engineering at Mount Allison University, Sackville, NB, for two years. He then went to work in the merchant marine with his father.

At the time of Walter Jr.’s military enlistment, he was employed as an “oiler” in the engine room of the SS Belle Isle, Halifax. Built in Newcastle-on-Tyne, England, for Newfoundland-Canada Steamships Ltd., the passenger-cargo steamship provided service from Montreal to St. Johns, Newfoundland, in summer, and from Halifax to St. Johns in winter.

On August 17, 1940, Walter Charles Barss enlisted with the Royal Canadian Volunteer Naval Reserve at Halifax. He was initially assigned to HMCS Stadacona, the Navy’s Halifax base, where he “completed new entry training” prior to commencing service as an “Engineman.”

On September 24, Walter was assigned to HMCS St. Croix. A “Town-class” destroyer initially built in 1919 for the United States Navy and launched as the USS McCook, the St. Croix was transferred to the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) via the Royal Navy on the same day as Walter’s assignment. The vessel departed for the United Kingdom by way of St. Johns, NL, on November 30, but was forced to turn back when it encountered a major storm at sea.

On December 18, the Ste. Croix arrived in Halifax harbour, where it spent three months undergoing repairs. During that time, Walter was promoted to “Stoker PO” on January 1, 1941. When the Ste. Croix returned to service in mid-March 1941, it acted as a local escort for vessels entering and leaving the harbour.

On July 11, Walter qualified as an “Engine Technician II.” The following month, the Ste. Croix was assigned to the Newfoundland Escort Force, a fleet that accompanied Allied Convoys to Iceland. Walter served aboard the vessel until October 17, 1941, when he returned to HMCS Stadacona. For the next 12 months, he was “employed [with] dockyard loading parties” at Halifax.

On October 27, 1942, Walter proceeded to St. Johns, NL, for service with HMCS Avalon, the independent RCN command established on the island in June 1941. His service file refers to him as “Stoker PO,” suggesting he may have served in that capacity on two harbour craft that operated under the name “Avalon.” While stationed in Newfoundland, he married Mary Anita Purcell, daughter of William and Mary Purcell, Halifax, on January 9, 1943. The location of the ceremony is not known.

Over the subsequent months, Walter continued to advance through the naval ratings. On April 21, 1943, he was promoted to Engine Room Artificer (ERA) Class 4/c. The following day, he was granted an Engine Room W/K [Watch-keeping] Certificate and promotion to ERA Class 3/c. Walter’s ERA rank was a specialized position aboard naval vessels, held by a qualified boilermaker or engine smith. ERAs held the most senior crew position with regard to the maintenance and operation of a vessel’s mechanical plant.

Walter returned to HMCS Stadacona on June 17 and spent two months in Halifax before being assigned to HMCS Hochelaga, the RCN’s Montreal base. One of its roles was to provide crews for the corvettes that accompanied trans-Atlantic convoys. The vessels were specifically designed for anti-submarine warfare in the North Atlantic and were a standard part of the escort fleets that accompanied convoys.

On November 16, Walter was assigned to HMCS Lindsay. A “Flower-class” corvette that was launched on June 4, 1943, the vessel was commissioned into the RCN the day before Walter joined its crew. Named for the town of Lindsay, ON, the corvette was built in nearby Midland, on the shores of Georgian Bay. In December 1943, the Lindsay travelled to Halifax, where it was assigned to the Western Local Escort Force’s W-5 Group. The corvette served in that capacity until April 1944, when it was transferred to Western Approaches Command.

During his time aboard the Lindsay, Walter received a recommendation for promotion to Warrant Engineer in mid-January 1944. A note on a Rating Form completed the following month assessed his work aboard the vessel: “Very efficient, supervising installation of machinery at shipyards, and in his duties as Chief E.R.A. [Engine Room Artificer], since commissioning.”

At the end of February, Walter returned to HMCS Stadacona, where he awaited his next assignment. On April 4, he joined the crew of HMCS Alberni. The Flower-class corvette, built in Esquimault, BC, was launched on August 22, 1940, and joined the RCN fleet in early February 1941. After making its way to the Atlantic Ocean by way of the Panama Canal, the Alberni escorted trans-Atlantic convoys during the Battle of the Atlantic.

In October 1942, the Alberni was assigned to convoy assignments in the Mediterranean Sea as Allied forces conducted a campaign to clear German units from North Africa. The vessel returned to Halifax in March 1943 and two months later moved on to the St. Lawrence River for escort duty with the Quebec - Labrador convoys.

Before year’s end, the Alberni proceeded to Liverpool, NS, for repairs, completing a “work up” voyage to Bermuda in early February 1944 before returning to Halifax and rejoining the active RCN fleet. In April 1944, the vessel was among a group of 17 corvettes sent to the United Kingdom to support the upcoming D-Day landings. ERA Walter Barss was aboard the vessel as it made the trans-Atlantic voyage.

In mid-May, the Alberni participated in an anti-submarine exercise with three other RCN vessels off Lough Foyle. While not directly involved in the D-Day landings, the Alberni subsequently escorted landing craft, ships, barges and floating piers from the United Kingdom to Normandy throughout the months of June and July. Following a brief period in port at Southampton for maintenance, the vessel received orders to relieve HMCS Drumheller on patrol for U-boats east of a mine-swept channel leading into the Allied beach-head.

On the morning of August 21, 1944, the Alberni was cruising in fair weather, “sweeping” for submarines with a sonar detection device. At 1140 hours, German U-boat 480 surfaced and fired a torpedo at what it thought was a frigate. The ship was in fact HMCS Alberni. The explosive weapon struck the ship on its port side, just aft of the engine room. In minutes, the ship slipped beneath the surface about 25 nautical miles southeast of St. Catherine’s Point, Isle of Wight.

Three officers and 28 crew members managed to scramble aboard lifeboats before the Alberni sank. They were later rescued by two British torpedo boats and taken to Portsmouth, where two injured men received treatment. A total of 59 crew members went down with the vessel.

Engine Room Artificer Walter Charles Barss was one of the crew members officially listed as “Missing, Presumed Dead” in the aftermath of the Alberni’s sinking. On December 26, 1944, naval authorities wrote to Walter’s widow Anita, who was residing in Halifax at the time. The letter from the Naval Board Secretary stated:

“I regret to inform you that in view of the length of time which has elapsed since your husband, Walter Charles Barss, Engine Room Artificer third class, Officer Number A-2516, Royal Canadian Naval Reserve, was reported missing from H.M.C.S. ‘Alberni,’ and as no news has since been received to the contrary, the Canadian Naval Authorities have now presumed his death to have occurred on the 21st of August, 1944.”

ERA Walter Charles Barss’ name is engraved on the Halifax Memorial, Point Pleasant Park, Halifax, unveiled in November 1967, in memory of the men and women of the Canadian Armed Forces and Merchant Marine who perished at sea during the two World Wars and have no known graves.

Walter’s widow Anita later married John D. Vass and spent 50 years in Toronto, ON. In 2002, she returned to Halifax, where she took up residence in Parkland Estates. Mary Anita Vass passed away in the Halifax Infirmary on May 11, 2005. She was the last surviving member of her immediate family and had no children by either of her marriages.

Photograph of Engine Room Artificer Walter Charles Barss obtained from the Sydney Academy Memorial Book.

Trooper Wilfred Burton Croft—Killed in Action August 14, 1944

 Wilfred Burton Croft was born in Spanish Ship Bay, Guysborough County, on November 18, 1920, the second-youngest of George Henry and Lydia Olive (Jack) Croft’s 12 children. George Henry was a native of Sherbrooke, the son of George Henry and Harriet (Jack MacDonald) Croft, Gegogan, while Lydia was the daughter of Jacob and Mary (Rudolph) Jack, Liscomb. The couple were married at Gegogan on September 20, 1901.

Trooper Wilfred Burton Croft

At the time of the 1911 Canadian census, 35-year-old George Henry and 25-year-old Lydia were living in Lower Liscomb with their three oldest children—Mary Adelaide, age 10; Laura Olive, age eight; and Ruby Pearl, age two. Also living in the home were George’s father George Henry Croft Sr., age 80, and his wife Eliza, age 79. Over the next decade, Burton, the couple’s only son, and another five daughters—Rosella Beatrice, Lydia Mae, Hilda Angeline, Daisy Gertrude, and Ada Jane—joined the family. The family’s youngest child, Clara Margaret, was born in 1923.

Three of George and Lydia’s children died in childhood or infancy. Their oldest daughter Mary Adelaide passed away on February 16, 1916, the result of meningitis. Two other daughters—Elsie and Susie—do not appear in census or death records. However, their names are listed in Burton’s service file as deceased siblings.

Burton left school at age 13, having attended for seven years. His service file contains no information on his early employment. Burton may have fished with his father George, or worked in a local saw mill or lumber operation. Immediately prior to his enlistment, he was employed as a “cashier” at a “moving pictures” business operated by his sister and brother-in-law, Mae and Doug Nauffts, Isaac’s Harbour. The couple travelled by truck with their projector equipment to various locations along the Eastern Shote, setting up in community halls. Burton collected admission at the door and passed out tickets. Doug and Mae later established a theatre business in Canso.

On July 24, 1940, Burton enlisted with the Halifax Rifles at Halifax, NS, and commenced military service with the rank of ”Rifleman.” As the unit was part of the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF), its members were eligible for overseas service. Burton completed infantry training with the Rifles and served in the Halifax area for the next three years.

During that time, the Halifax Rifles underwent a major transition. On January 26, 1942, the Canadian government authorized the formation of the 2nd Canadian Army Tank Brigade. The unit consisted of the 20th Army Tank Battalion (Saskatchewan Horse), 24th Army Tank Battalion (Les Voltigeurs de Quebec), and 26th Army Tank Battalion (Grey & Simcoe Foresters, Ontario), and 23rd Army Tank Battalion (Halifax Rifles). The change meant that its “other rank” (OR) members were now referred to as “Troopers.”

Over the following 18 months, Halifax Rifles personnel made the transition from an infantry regiment to an armoured unit. On June 29, 1942, Burton reported to the Canadian Army Trade School, Hamilton, ON, for a driver mechanic’s course. While there, he spent two weeks in hospital with the mumps. Upon completing the initial course, Burton moved on to the Mechanics Training Centre, London, ON, on August 10. Two weeks later, he was certified as a “Ram II Tank Dr. [Driver] Mechanic Grade B” and rejoined the 23rd Army Tank Battalion (23rd ATB) for training at Camp Borden, ON.

In the autumn of 1942, the 2nd Canadian Army Tank Brigade commenced training at the recently completed Meaford AFV (Armoured Fighting Vehicle) range on Georgian Bay, where the Halifax Rifles completed the first exercise. Before year’s end, Burton qualified as a Loader Operator Group C, Grade II, and Driver Class III (Tank). On January 1, 1943, he was authorized to wear a Mars Badge, a patch bearing the zodiac sign of the Roman god of war and indicating that he had completed training.

On May 7, 1943, Burton qualified as a Driver IC [internal combustion] Class III (W). One month later, he received the standard five-day pre-embarkation leave. On June 17, he departed Canada with 23rd ATB and arrived in the United Kingdom one week later.

Following its overseas arrival, 23rd ATB underwent significant reorganization. An overhaul of armoured regiments meant that there was room for only one army tank brigade. After intense inspections of the 2nd and 3rd Army Tank Brigades, military authorities selected the 3rd for service in Western Europe. Re-designated the 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade, it went on to join the D-Day invasion force.

The 2nd Army Tank Brigade’s units became a reinforcement pool for existing armoured units. The Halifax Rifles troopers were reassigned to various active units and the overseas regiment was officially disbanded in November 1, 1943. As a result of this process, Trooper Burton Croft “re-mustered” as an Operator CAC (Canadian Armoured Corps) on August 4, 1943. One week later, he was assigned to the Headquarters Squadron, 4th Canadian Armoured Brigade (4th CAB).

The 4th CAB was one of two armoured brigades created with the formation of the 4th Canadian Armoured Division (4th CAD) in Canada on January 26, 1942. Under the command of Major General F. F. Worthington—affectionately known to his men as “Worthy”—the Division consisted of the 3rd and 4th Armoured Brigades. Each brigade contained three armoured regiments and a “support” motor regiment for transportation purposes.

4th CAD established its training facilities in Debert, NS. Its tanks—brand new Ram Mark II models—arrived in May 1942 but were not equipped with their standard six-pounder guns. With the exception of Worthy and one of his assistants, none of its personnel were capable of operating the tanks as their instructors were still in training at Camp Borden.

Worthy quickly developed a reputation for innovation and persistence as he set about training his novice troopers. When a train carrying fully equipped Ram Mark II tanks destined for overseas arrived in Debert on its way to Halifax, Worthy “persuaded” the trains crew to allow him to unload four of the armoured vehicles. A gunnery range was established at Spencer’s Point on the Minas Basin, where troopers honed their marksmanship skills by shooting at logs floating in the water.

An insufficient number of tanks—15 in total among six regiments—meant that the vehicles had to be shared among the two Brigades’ units. Crews were limited to one to two days of actual tank operation weekly. On the remaining days, the troopers carried out “dismounted” drill, simulating tank operation using an H-shaped wooden frame. Crews assumed their relative positions within the structure, which was then “maneuvered” on an imaginary battlefield to simulate various tank formations.

Worthy’s creative methods meant that his troopers were fully trained within five months. The bulk of 4th CAD departed for the United Kingdom in August and September 1942, arriving overseas at a more advanced level than its sister 5th Canadian Armoured Division’s units. After settling into their new quarters, 4th CAD’s personnel immediately commenced tactical training.

By the time of 4th CAD’s overseas arrival, Allied military strategists had learned important lessons from the British experience in desert warfare during the North African campaign (1941-42). The combat demonstrated the need for close co-ordination between tank and infantry formations. In response, the British high command reorganized its armoured divisions into a pattern that was subsequently duplicated by the Canadian formations.

Within each Armoured Division—4th and 5th—one armoured brigade (three tank regiments) was replaced with a motorized infantry brigade (three infantry regiments). This new arrangement was formally adopted on January 11, 1943, and resulted in significant re-adjustments within both Divisions. 4th CAD now consisted of the 4th Canadian Armoured Brigade, which included three tank regiments—the 28th Canadian Armoured Regiment (British Columbia Regiment), the 21st Canadian Armoured Regiment (Governor General’s Foot Guards), and the Canadian Grenadier Guards. A fourth armoured unit—the Southern Alberta Regiment—served as the Brigade’s reconnaissance (“recce’) group.

The 10th Canadian Infantry Brigade became 4th CAD’s second brigade and consisted of three Ontario infantry battalions—the Algonquin Regiment, the Lincoln & Wellington Regiment and the Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders of Canada (Princess Louise’s). The entire 4th CAD was assigned to II Canadian Corps, a decision that later determined its battlefield assignment.

After the re-alignment, 4th CAD’s armoured units resumed training, initially focusing on squadron field operations at the brigade level. In May 1943, personnel participated in two major Division-level exercises at South Down. In September, 4th CAD relocated to a battle training area in Norfolk. By that time, Burton had logged one month’s service with 4th CAB’s Headquarters Squadron. During the Norfolk exercises, he was attached to the 21st Canadian Armoured Regiment (Governor-General’s Foot Guards) for three weeks in October as part of his training.

In December 1943, 5th CAD departed for Italy. After landing in Naples, its units immediately joined Canadian forces deployed on the Adriatic coast north of Ortona. The Division would remain in Italy until March 1945, when its personnel relocated to Western Europe for the last two months of the war. The 5th’s Mediterranean assignment meant that 4th CAD was destined for service in Western Europe.

Burton’s training continued throughout the winter of 1943-44. On January 15, 1944, he was admitted to City General Hospital, Carlisle, for treatment of a laceration to his right middle finger. He received the injury during “range practice” at AFV Ranges, Warcop, UK. Burton described the incident in a report in his service file:

“I was in the turret of the Sherman tank as loader operator at the time of the accident. I loaded the gun, the round was fired and the gun recoiled. The empty casing ejected and struck the deflector plate[,] which caused it to come towards me and strike me on the right hand. We were under rapid fire at the time and I was holding two rounds on my knee. The force of the blow split my second finger open.”

Discharged from hospital at month’s end, Burton returned to HQ Squadron, 4th CAB.

The following month, a major change occurred in 4th CAD’s command structure. On February 29, 1944, Major General Worthington was relieved of command and assigned to Camp Borden, ON, as its Commandant. The decision was a controversial one. While Canadian officials pointed to his age—Worthy was 55 years old at the time—post-war sources indicated that it was the result of personality differences with Lieutenant-General Guy Simonds, II Canadian Corps’ Commanding Officer (CO). Major-General George Kitching replaced Worthy as 4th CAD’s CO. Around the same time, Brigadier General Leslie Booth assumed command of 4th CAB.

On April 10, 1944, Burton was attached to No. 28 Canadian Armoured Regiment (British Columbia Regiment) and spent two months with the unit before rejoining HQ Squadron on June 12, 1944. By that time, 4th CAD was completing preparations to depart for the European continent. It had not been assigned to the massive Allied force that landed in Normandy, France, on June 6, 1944. The plan was for its personnel to remain in the United Kingdom until the beach-head was firmly established.

The first 4th CAD units landed in Normandy on July 14, with its remaining components making the journey across the English Channel over the following 10 days. Burton’s squadron left the UK on July 22 and landed in France two days later. Once all equipment was ashore, 4th CAD moved into reserve positions southeast of Caen before month’s end.

The 4th CAD’s arrival in France coincided with the first major Allied plan for to break out of the Normandy beach-head. Operation Totalize relied heavily on armoured units to push through a formidable German defensive line anchored on Verrières Ridge, south of Caen. The 2nd Canadian DIvision’s 2nd Armoured Brigade and 4th Infantry Brigade would carry out the first phase, in conjunction with British armoured and infantry units. Canadian forces would advance southward along the western side of the Caen - Falaise Road, with their British comrades on the eastern side.

For the first time on the battlefield, infantry units would travel in improvised armoured personnel carriers nicknamed “Kangaroos.” Hastily manufactured in the field from surplus American Priest self-propelled guns—their guns were removed— and driven by personnel from the 2nd Armoured and Divisional artillery units, the innovation was a mainstay in subsequent offensives.

The main Canadian force consisted of tanks, M-10 self-propelled ant-tank guns and infantry transported in armoured carriers. Attacking units were arranged in three columns, covering a total area approximately 150 metres wide. The advance was to begin just short of Verrières Ridge, across open ground west of the village of Rocquancourt. Once through the main section of the German line, the three columns would fan out to capture several objectives to the left and right.

Source: C. P. Stacey, "The Victory Campaign"

The preliminary stage commenced at 2100 hours August 7, the armoured units moving forward under cover of darkness to a location just short of the start line. Personnel then waited for a fleet of heavy bombers to strike strategic targets in the German line. At 2330 hours, the armoured columns moved forward. As they reached the crest of the ridge 15 minutes later, searchlights provided “artificial moonlight” as a rolling artillery barrage commenced.

Problems soon developed during the columns’ advance. The dry ground stirred up by the tanks’ tracks, supplemented by explosions from the artillery barrage, created a dense dust cloud that obscured visibility for all but the lead tanks. A smoke screen laid down by artillery guns across the entire front only made the situation worse.

The result was considerable confusion in the advancing columns. Several collisions occurred, while other vehicles ran into shell craters, sunken roads, ponds or ditches. The columns strayed off course, some vehicles ending up in adjacent columns. Two of the three columns veered significantly off course, causing delays.

Despite the confusion, the advancing units encountered little German opposition as enemy forces were also hampered by the poor visibility. Before dawn, two of the three columns were close to their objectives, only the right column having fallen behind. Once at their destinations, the units re-organized in preparation for Geman counter-attacks. Overall, the first stage had unfolded pretty much as planned.

Unfortunately, the same could not be said for the second phase, which was led by the recently arrived 4th CAD. The goal was to take advantage of the first stage’s gains. Unfortunately, final orders were received in the early evening of August 7, leaving little time for orders and briefings at lower levels. The situation led to chaotic, last-minute preparations, a circumstance made worse by the units’ complete lack of combat experience.

A massive aerial bombardment that commenced at 1300 hours August 8 also failed to significantly impact German forces, who by coincidence commenced a major counter-attack as it commenced. As a result, many enemy units were inside the “bomb line” during most of the air raid and were not significantly affected.

To further complicate matters, errant Allied bombs destroyed many of 4th CAD’s communication vehicles, significantly reducing its ability to contact supporting artillery units. The Division also moved forward along a very narrow frontage, leading to confusion and a very slow pace. The forward units quickly encountered well-entrenched German positions that offered stiff resistance. By last light, the attack had lost what little momentum it managed to establish.

Hoping to regain the initiative, Allied commanders hastily assembled a smaller force consisting of the 4th CAB’s 28th Canadian Armoured Regiment (British Columbia) and three of the Algonquin Regiment’s infantry companies. The group was instructed to quickly advance and capture Point 195, an elevated feature south of Quesnay that was of considerable strategic value.

The small force commenced its advance at 0330 hours August 9. Unable to rely on landmarks to determine its location and direction, it soon strayed significantly off course to the east, ending up on the wrong side of the Caen - Falaise Road. Pausing to regain its bearings, officers spotted an elevated area in the distance and immediately assumed it was their objective.

In fact, the location was another hill—Point 140—that was six kilometers northwest of their target. The tanks and armoured personnel carriers rushed forward as daylight broke, only to encounter a main section of a German defensive line in front of the Laison River, held in force by a German Panzergrenadier battalion.

Just before 0700 hours, the attacking party mistakenly reported to Headquarters that it was atop Hill 195. A half hour later, German forces launched a counter-attack. The fighting continued throughout the day, the small force’s armoured vehicles systematically destroyed as the hours passed. Some personnel were able to escape by crawling through waist-high wheat fields. The remaining soldiers were either killed, wounded or taken prisoner.

The 28th Armoured Regiment (British Columbia) lost 47 of its 55 tanks and suffered 112 casualties, 47 of whom were fatalities. The Algonquin Regiment reported 128 casualties, 45 of whom were killed in action. A second force dispatched to Hill 195 to assist also ran into significant enemy positions in Quesnay Wood, losing 22 tanks.

Point 195 was finally secured in a daring 10th Infantry Brigade “silent raid” during the early morning hours of August 10 and held into the afternoon, At that time, the soldiers were ordered to retreat before day’s end due to lack of supporting units. The day’s only real success came with 4th CAD units captured the village of Brettevile-le-Rabet, an achievement that brought Operation Totalize’s second phase and the DIvision’s first major combat experience to an end.

In retrospect, an eight-hour delay between the two stages, during which the massive bombing raid took place, was the main reason for the second phase’s failure to exploit the first phase’s gains. The break allowed German forces time to recover and adjust their defences, particularly their anti-tank positions. It was a lesson that warranted consideration when planning future operations.

Unlike their British Columbia and Algonquin Regiment comrades, Trooper Burton Croft’s 4th CAB HQ Squadron came through its first combat experience without significant losses. There was little time to rest, however, as Allied commanders immediately commenced planning a second push along the Caen - Falaise Road, one that would be led by 4th CAD units.Given the code name “Operation Tractable,” its goal was to break through a reconstituted German line established along the Laison River, south of Rouvres.

As with Totalize, the first stage would occur during daylight hours and commence with a heavy bomber raid. Attacking units would then advance through a smoke screen laid down by artillery. To avoid heavily entrenched German defences in Quesnay Wood, which had disrupted Totalize’s second phase, planners shifted the centre of the attack several kilometers to the east.

4th CAD would begin the advance along a two-kilometre wide front, its eastern flank running from Soignelles to Rouvres, beyond which lay the Laison River. Once the attacking forces had crossed the water course, the 10th Infantry Brigade was to capture Epancy and Perrières while 4th CAB’s tanks rushed forward to capture Point 159, an area of high ground near Versainville that overlooked the town of Falaise.

Simultaneously, the 3rd Canadian Division’s 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade would advance on 4th CAD’s right flank, its final objective being Point 184, an area of high ground near Potigny. As with the previous operation, armoured brigades would lead the attack, followed by infantry units in Kangaroos. A truck-borne infantry brigade would follow the attacking forces, ready to provide support as required.

The operation was scheduled for August 14. During the previous evening, the armoured brigades assembled near Renémesnil, the weather “hot and clear” as personnel completed final preparations. At 1130 hours August 14, the lead units moved forward to their designated “forming up” locations near the start line, the village of Soignelles in its center. Approximately 280 Sherman tanks prepared to advance to the Laison River along a four-kilometre wide front.

Source: C. P. Stacey, "The Victory Campaign"

At 1140 hours, artillery guns fired red marker shells to guide Royal Air Force bombers to their targets in the Laison valley. The aircraft arrived 10 minutes later and commenced their runs. Once again, several crews dropped their payloads short of the targets, striking Allied personnel and equipment in the support echelons. Artillery guns then laid down the smoke screen, obscuring the entire front as the order to advance was given.

The tanks were supposed to proceed toward the Laison River at a pace of 20 kilometres an hour. However, dense clouds of dust from the moving vehicles combined with the smoke screen to reduce visibility and significantly slow the pace. Once again, both 4th CAD Brigades—armour and infantry—veered to the left and the organized columns soon disintegrated into clumps. The smoke screen failed to blanket the entire line of attack, particularly in front of the 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade’s tanks. As a result, German forces in front of the river inflicted a heavy toll on its attacking units.

The most significant loss in the first stage of the attack was the destruction of 4th CAB’s Headquarters Squadron—Trooper Burton Croft’s unit. As they passed through the cloud of smoke and dust, its tanks veered to the right and ran directly into a German anti-tank screen. Brigadier General Booth, 4th CAB’s CO, was severely wounded and died shortly after he was evacuated from the battlefield.

Major Gerry Chubb, the only HQ officer to survive the incident, was unable to report the incident as all of HQ Squadron’s radios were destroyed. Three hours passed before Chubb finally connected with 4th CAD HQ and relayed news of the Squadron’s fate. Throughout that time, 4th CAB was “leaderless” on the battlefield.

Despite the initial problems, the advance made steady progress, the first tanks reaching the Laison River at 1430 hours. Unfortunately, the bridge they hoped to secure had been destroyed by German forces. The river proved to be a greater obstacle than anticipated. The wooded banks on the opposite shore were too steep for the tanks to climb and the river bottom consisted of soft mud. Time was lost and casualties taken as the armoured units scoured the northern bank in search of a location where they could ford the river.
It was almost 1600 hours before the first tanks crossed the Laison, using a single, improvised fascine bridge erected by Canadian engineers at Rouvres. By that time, shelling from both sides had turned the village into a pile of rubble, hindering passage through its streets. Another group of tanks managed to cross four kilometers downstream at Ernes, while a third group found a small bridge midway between Rouvres and Montpoint that was still intact. Only two squadrons were able to ford the river.

After German forces were driven off the heights overlooking the river, an hour passed before the armoured units gathered their forces and resumed the advance. 2nd CAB on the right flank moved forward around 1730 hours, but soon encountered anti-tank fire. The countryside was open and rolling, with many clusters of small woods and brush where German guns were concealed. The first 2nd CAB tanks arrived at the heights near Potigny before darkness, but Point 184 was not secured until 2230 hours.

Due to the loss of its Headquarters Squadron, 4th CAB’s advance beyond the Laison was “confused” and uncoordinated. All three armoured regiments re-formed on the heights beyond Rouvres and set out for their intermediate objectives near Glendon. As with 2nd CAB, the tanks encountered German anti-tank fire that slowed their advance.

As the area around Glendon appeared to be held in strength, it was decided shortly before 2000 hours that it was too late to push forward to the final objective near Falaise. Later that night, 4th CAD’s 10th Infantry Brigade secured Glendon with the support of a tank regiment.

The following day, the advance toward Falaise resumed but the confusion and lack of co-ordination that had plagued the previous day’s advance continued. A significant part of the problem was that two armoured groups—2nd CAB and 4th CAD—were converging on the same objective—the high ridge north of Falaise, centered on Point 159. To make matters worse, the two units exchanged little information on their locations or movements throughout the day.

The situation was further complicated by the fact that the advance was beyond the range of Allied artillery units and therefore could not call for supporting fire when required. German forces had also bolstered their anti-tank defences in front of Falaise during the night. 4th CAD moved forward at 0930 hours but immediately encountered fierce mortar, artillery and anti-tank fire. By mid-afternoon, its progress had stalled approximately three kilometres northeast of Point 159. As the high ground was open and flat, there was no cover available, forcing the tanks to pull back to avoid enemy anti-tank fire. Thus the 4th CAD’s fighting in Operation Tractable came to an end.

In the 3rd Canadian Division sector to the right, 2nd CAB reorganized in the morning and launched an early afternoon attack on Point 168, a hill two kilometres south of the previous day’s progress. The location was secured by 1530 hours, but at considerable cost. The 1st Canadian Scottish Regiment suffered 34 killed and 93 wounded during the day’s fighting.

2nd CAB then received orders to attack Point 159 with one infantry and two tank regiments. The instructions, however, were quickly retracted due to confusing and contradictory information concerning the location of other Canadian units. Thus ended 2nd CAD’s participation in Operation Tractable.

On the afternoon of August 16, 2nd Canadian Division units launched an attack on Falaise, securing the town by the following morning. By that time, American forces had halted 16 kilometers to their southeast, having completely encircled what remained of the German 5th and 7th Armies in Normandy. In the ensuing days and hours, the remaining enemy units hastily withdrew through a narrowing gap between Falaise and Argentan. If Allied forces could manage to completely close the “Falaise gap,” they would deliver a major blow to German forces in France and take a major step toward winning the war in Western Europe.

According to Commonwealth War Graves Commission records, 12 members of 4th Canadian Armoured Brigade’s Headquarters Squadron were killed on August 14, 1944. Trooper Wilfred Burton Croft was one of the 12 fatalities. Burton was initially buried in a “field SE [southeast of] La Croix” on August 16, 1944. 

The exact circumstances of Burton’s death remained a mystery to his family for one year. At that time, Victor Luddington, a native of Drum Head who had married Burton’s sister Ada Jane in October 1940, and subsequently enlisted with the Royal Canadian Artillery, was serving overseas as a Gunner with the 6th Light Anti-Aircraft Battery. At an unknown date, Victor posted a notice in the “Maple Leaf,” a Canadian military newspaper distributed to soldiers serving overseas, hoping to contact a soldier from Burton’s unit who could provide information on the incident.

On August 13, 1945, Corporal J. B. Crawford, HQ Squadron, 4th Canadian Armoured Brigade, responded to Victor’s inquiry:

“One of the boys here noticed a request from you in the Maple Leaf for information about Bert Croft.

“Well, I guess I can give you just about as complete a picture of the surroundings where he was killed as anyone, as I happened to be in a tank very close to the one Bert was in that day. Bert’s tank was hit with an 88 [mm shell] and began to burn immediately. Although I didn’t actually see him get out, he and the gunner and crew-commander mage their way out of the tank to a nearby German trench work. The other two members of the crew were killed in the tank or in trying to escape. Meanwhile the three fellows from the turret made their way up this trench trying to work their way close to the other tanks so as to make use of their cover—when a hidden Jerry [German] machine gunner riddled the trench and killed all three of them.

“We were exceptionally lucky and managed to get away unharmed. I certainly felt the loss of the boys in that tank as I had just left the crew a short while previous to that and Bert and I were the best of friends. He was buried in the exact same spot they found him by our burying party the following day. Now they tell me he will probably be removed to a proper cemetery near Bretteville-le-Rabet. It was close to here that the action took place. It is about 12 miles south of Caen.”

At the end of August 1944, officials completed an Official Canadian Army Overseas Casualty Notification form, suggesting that Burton’s mother Lydia received a telegram informing her of his death around that time. An official letter to Lydia, dated September 14, 1944, and signed by the Canadian Adjutant-General, stated: “It was with deep regret that I learned of the death of your son, F/30416 Wilfred Burton Croft, who gave his life in the Service of his Country in the Western European Theatre of War, on the 14th day of August, 1944. From official information we have received, your son was killed in action against the enemy.”

On October 1, 1945, Burton’s remains were re-interred in Bretteville-sur-Laize Military Cemetery. Seven of his 4th CAB HQ Squadron comrades were buried nearby. The remains of four fallen HQ Squadron Troopers were never found. Their names are inscribed on the Bayeux Memorial, Bayeux, France, erected in memory of 1,798 soldiers killed during the Normandy campaign and who have no known graves.

Lydia Olive Croft passed away in Liscomb on June 7, 1957. 71 years old at the time of her death, Lydia was laid to rest in St. Luke’s Anglican Cemetery, Liscomb. Her husband George Henry died in Pleasant View Foster Villa, Dartmouth, on March 4, 1969,  at 97 years of age and was also buried in St. Luke’s Anglican Cemetery, Liscomb.

Thanks to Beverly (Luddington) Webber, Tor Bay, for providing information on the Croft family and a picture of Trooper Burton Croft, and to Peter Luddington, Dartmouth, NS, for providing a copy of Cpl. Crawford’s letter to his father Victor, describing the circumstances of Burton’s death.