Rifleman Garfield James Munroe—Killed in Action September 27, 1944

Garfield James Munroe was born in Little Dover, Guysborough County, on September 12, 1920. Garfield’s father, Daniel Munroe, was the son of Daniel Munroe Sr. and Elizabeth Horne, Dover. His mother, Annie Laura Harnish, was the daughter of James Harnish and Jane Horne, Sober Island, Halifax County.

Rifleman Garfield James Munroe's headstone, Calais Canadian Military Cemetery

Daniel and Annie were married in Dover on February 12, 1918. Before year’s end, their first child, Alonzo Vincent, was born. Garfield, the couple’s second child, arrived two years later. By the time of the 1931 Canadian census, five more children had joined the family—Mary Ada (YOB c. 1923); Lauchlin Daniel (YOB c. 1925); Marie Jane (YOB c. 1927); Kenneth Norman (YOB c. 1929); and Thomas Milton (YOB c. 1931).

Four more children—Ernest Eugene (YOB c. 1933); Valerie Ann (YOB c. 1935); Lawrence Francis (YOB c. 1939) and Franklin Patrick (YOB c. 1942)—were born after 1931. Two other children died in infancy or at birth during that time—Edward Lloyd died July 28, 1935, at age eight months, while “Baby Munroe” (no gender identified) died at birth on February 10, 1938.

Garfield Munroe attended public school for nine years. After completing Grade VII, he entered the work force at age 16. For five years, he worked in the local fishery. He then made his way to Halifax, where he worked as a labourer for Brookfield Construction, Ltd. He had been employed in that position for three months when he was “called up” under the terms of the National Resources Mobilization Act (NRMA).

The NRMA authorized the creation of a mandatory national registry of young men suitable for military service. Once registered, individuals were randomly selected for a basic training program. Upon completion, the young men could be conscripted into “home defence” service, (i.e., in Canada only). It was common, however, for trainees to voluntarily enlist upon completing the program.

On August 31, 1942, Garfield reported to the NRMS Clearing Depot, Halifax. In mid-September, he was “re-allocated” to the Royal Canadian Artillery, (RCA) A/A [Anti-Aircraft]. He  reported to A23 Coastal and Anti-Aircraft Centre, Halifax, for training on September 19, 1942. Upon completing the two-month program, Garfield was assigned to the 24th Light Anti-Aircraft Battery, RCA, Sydney, on November 18.

The 24th Light A/A Battery was part of the 16th Coastal Brigade, a group of militia units responsible for the defence of strategic locations along the Maritime coast. As one of several gathering places for Allied vessels heading overseas, Sydney harbour played a vital role in the trans-Atlantic convoy system. Garfield spent four months with the unit before deciding to enlist for overseas service.

On March 29, 1943, Garfield formally joined the Canadian Active Service Force (CASF) at Halifax. The decision meant that he could be assigned to any active military unit—air force, artillery or infantry. Garfield spent the remainder of the year in Halifax. During that time, he received two weeks’ leave in late April and a five-day holiday leave in mid-December.
 
Shortly after returning to duty, Garfield was re-allocated to the Canadian Infantry Corps on January 12, 1944. The decision meant he would have to complete infantry training. Two days after the assignment change, Garfield was transferred to No 1 Transit Camp, Windsor, NS, where he remained for one month. In mid-February, he reported to No. 60 Canadian Infantry (Basic) Training Centre, Yarmouth, for the first component of training.

In early April, 1944, Garfield moved on to A14 (Advanced) Infantry Training Centre, Aldershot, NS, for the final phase of instruction. While there, he was briefly hospitalized for an unidentified illness in late May. Upon completing training, he was granted six days’ pre-embarkation leave on July 8. One week after returning to duty, he departed for overseas.

Garfield arrived in the United Kingdom on July 27, 1944, and reported to No. 4 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU). His overseas arrival coincided with a significant increase in the demand for infantry reinforcements. Canadian units had been fighting in Italy for one year and a second combat zone developed in Normandy after the June 6, 1944 Allied invasion of German-occupied France.

Within a matter of weeks, Garfield would be assigned to one of the two theatres of war. The decision was temporarily postponed when he was admitted to No. 19 Canadian General Hospital on August 3. Once again, the nature of his illness is not revealed in his service file. He remained under medical care for two weeks before returning to No. 4 CIRU.

On September 5, 1944, Garfield departed for France, and disembarked in Normandy the following day. He was immediately posted to No, 2 Canadian Base Reinforcement Group (CBRG) as an “unposted reinforcement.” Less than two weeks later, he was assigned to the Royal Winnipeg Rifles and joined the unit in the field on September 19, 1944.

The Royal Winnipeg Rifles trace their origin to the 90th Winnipeg Battalion of Rifles, a Canadian militia unit established in the city on November 9, 1833. The unit saw its first combat service during the 1885 North-West Rebellion, where its Métis opponents described the soldiers as “little black devils,” the colour their dark green uniforms when viewed from a distance. The battalion adopted the moniker, along with a crest displaying the silhouette of a black devil holding a trident in one hand and a chalice in the other.

During the First World War, the 90th recruited the 8th Battalion (90th Winnipeg Rifles), which served with the 1st Canadian Division in Belgium and northern France. During the inter-war years, the unit underwent a series of name changes before receiving the title of “Royal Winnipeg Rifles” (RWR) on June 3, 1935.

Following the outbreak of the Second World War, the Winnipeg unit recruited a battalion for overseas service in July 1940. The volunteers trained at Camp Shilo, MB, for several weeks before relocating to Camp Debert, NS. In September 1940, The RWR arrived in the United Kingdom as part of the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division’s 7th Brigade. The Winnipeg unit would eventually enter combat alongside the Regina Rifle Regiment and the Canadian Scottish Regiment (Princess Mary’s).

The RWR set foot in Normandy, France, on June 6, 1944, during the first wave of D-Day landings. Its soldiers participated in the attack on Caen in early July and the fierce fighting that occurred south of the city after its fall. During the month of August, Canadian units participated in two major operations along the Caen - Falaise road as part of a plan to encircle German forces in Normandy.

While partially successful, a significant portion of enemy units were able to escape through the “Falaise gap” before it was completely closed in mid-August. Allied forces then pursued retreating German units northward toward the Seine River. Before month’s end, Canadian units received orders to clear enemy forces from the “Channel ports,” a collection of strategic locations along the French coast. After passing through the city of Rouen, the Canadians veered to the northwest, liberating the ports of Dunkirk and Le Tréport.

The units continued northward toward the area of Boulogne and Calais, where a group of coastal artillery batteries posed a major threat to Allied shipping in the English Channel. On September 6, the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade occupied an area of high ground seven miles southwest of Calais, cutting off communication with Boulogne. Having isolated the two ports, the attack on Boulogne, given the code name “Operation Well-hit,” commenced on September 17, and involved units from the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division’s 8th and 9th Brigades.

Meanwhile, the 7th Brigade prepared for an assault on Calais, which presented several unique challenges. A network of canals cut through the landward approaches to the fortified city, while marshy ground and “inundated [flooded] areas” presented obstacles to the south and east. A road and rail line eastward to Gravelines ran along a solitary, well-fortified ridge.

Calais itself still contained most of its historic fortifications. A bastioned wall and moat surrounded much of the city. Its modern defences, however, all faced toward the sea. A network of batteries, pillboxes, machine gun positions and concrete shelters for rail car-mounted artillery guns stretched along the coastline. Minefields and an anti-tank ditch connecting the flooded areas to the sea protected the coastal installations, while infantry positions and minefields, supported by field, anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns, guarded the land approaches to the south and east.

Fewer than 10,000 German personnel manned the city’s defences, one-third of whom were infantrymen. The remainder operated the coastal guns and port facilities. The majority of personnel were older men and their morale was low, characteristics that favoured the attacking forces.

The Allied plan called for a preliminary aerial and artillery bombardment of German positions, followed by a heavily-supported infantry attack. A smoke screen approximately 3,000 meters wide would be deployed to shield Allied artillery positions from observation at the Cape Gris Nez batteries, which still remained under German control.

The attack was to unfold in two stages. The initial phase focused on Cape Griz Nez and the western approaches to Calais. Once these areas were secured, Canadian units would concentrate on the city itself, simultaneously attacking the well-fortified location from the west, south and east.

Units from the 7th and 8th Brigades were selected to conduct the first stage of the operation, with support from the 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade’s tanks. The 7th Brigade was to “capture or destroy” the garrisons at Belle Vue, Coquelles and Calais itself, while the 8th Brigade secured enemy positions at Escalles, near Cape Blanc Nez, and Noires Mottes on the city’s western flank.

In the midst of these preparations, Private Garfield James Munroe joined the Winnipeg Rifles’ ranks on September 20. It appears that he arrived in the same reinforcement draft that included Rifleman Charles Henry “Charlie” Snyder, Halfway Cove, who was assigned to the Regina Rifle Regiment on the same day. The two inexperienced Guysborough County men had little time to adjust to the front lines, as the attack on Calais, dubbed “Operation Undergo,” was imminent. Both would see combat for the first time during its initial stage.

While infantry units were ready to proceed, poor weather delayed the aerial bombardment until the afternoon of September 24, when approximately 200 Allied aircraft struck targets in the Calais area. A second air raid took place around 0815 hours September 25. While the bombing damaged German defences and further weakened morale, it was not a decisive blow.

Source: "The Victory Campaign" by C. P. Stacey

At 1015 hours September 25, soldiers from two 3rd Brigade units—the Regina Rifles and Winnipeg Rifles—moved forward toward their objectives. While the Reginas moved forward toward Coquelles, with support from the British 6th Armoured Regiment, the “Little Black Devils” advanced toward neighbouring Vieux Coquelles. Simultaneously, 8th Brigade units attacked Cape Gris Nez on the 3rd Brigade’s left flank.

The RWR encountered stiff resistance but succeeded in driving enemy forces from their bomb-proof shelters. Moving on toward Calais, they encountered mines, snipers and pockets of resistance as German artillery targeted their advance. Significant fighting occurred at Coquelles, where personnel engaged enemy soldiers in house to house combat. Despite the obstacles, the unit secured its objective by day’s end.

The Regina Rifle Regiment on the RWR’s left flank also gained its objective by nightfall. The 7th Brigade attack thus secured the area directly west of Calais. On its left flank, 8th Brigade units cleared enemy forces from the Cape Blanc Nez battery. The combined victories set the stage for a final assault on the city of Calais itself, scheduled to commence within 48 hours.

On the morning of September 26, Allied bombers conducted a raid on German defensive positions in and around Calais. 7th Brigade units crept forward throughout the day and were within striking distance of the city’s defences by nightfall.

The second phase of the operation was scheduled for September 27. The 7th Brigade’s Royal Winnipeg Rifles were to advance through Coquelles, cross a small flooded area and secure Fort Nieulay, west of the city. On their right flank, the Regina Rifle Regiment was to follow a rail line leading into the city, cross a flooded area adjacent to the tracks by boat and then advance toward a “Factory Area” along the city’s southern outskirts.

Meanwhile, the 1st Canadian Scottish Regiment, the 7th Brigade’s third unit, would capture Fort Lapin on the coast and prepare to advance toward the Citadel, the city’s main fortification. Once all objectives were secured, the three units would launch a final attack on the city itself.

Before the infantry attack commenced, Canadian units temporarily withdrew a short distance to allow Allied heavy bombers to conduct another raid on German defensive positions. Once the aircraft had completed their mission, the infantry attack commenced. The RWR made slow but steady progress toward Fort Nieulay in the face of strong resistance. The objective was secured only after further aerial bombing and assistance from regular and flame-throwing tanks.

Simultaneously, the Reginas managed to cross the flooded land and reach the Factory Area. That evening, the 1st Canadian Scottish secured Fort Lapin and prepared to launch an attack on the city’s coastal defences.

The advance continued on September 28, the Regina Rifles pushing northward through the Factory Area. Two 1st Canadian Scottish Companies managed to cross a canal on the city’s western edge but enemy fire forced the soldiers to the ground, preventing them from retreating. The soldiers were forced to take cover there until the city’s capture brought fighting to an end.

By this time, German forces inside the city found themselves in a desperate situation. Morale was low and increasing numbers of men were surrendering or abandoning their positions. On the evening of September 28, Lieutenant-Colonel Ludwig Schroeder, Commander of the German garrison, contacted Allied command, suggesting that Calais should be declared an “open city” and that all combat cease.

Allied leadership flatly rejected the suggestion, but subsequent discussions led to an agreement for a 24-hour truce, to commence at mid-day September 29. the purpose was to allow approximately 20,000 French civilians trapped in the city to leave. As residents streamed out of Calais, Allied commanders prepared for a final assault, with air support if necessary.

When the ceasefire expired at noon September 30, Canadian units immediately resumed the attack and German resistance quickly collapsed. At 2100 hours, Lt.-Col. Schroeder officially surrendered to 7th Brigade units and ordered his men to lay down their arms. By 0900 hours October 1, Calais was firmly in Canadian hands.

A total of approximately 7,500 German prisoners were taken during the Calais operation, while attacking forces reported a surprisingly light total of 300 casualties. The 7th Brigade bore the brunt of the losses, reporting 190 casualties. The Royal Winnipeg Rifles suffered 77 casualties, while the Regina Rifles incurred a total of 71 men killed or wounded.

There were 21 fatalities among the RWR’s casualties. The worst losses occurred on the first day of each stage. Nine soldiers died on September 25, while 10 were killed on September 27. Private Garfield James Munroe was among the men killed in action on September 27, 1944. Nine days later, Daniel Munroe received a telegram from Canadian military authorities. informing him of Garfield’s death.

On October 13, Garfield’s remains were interred in Hardinghen Canadian Military Cemetery, a temporary graveyard located 20 kilometers south of Calais. He was re-interred in Calais Canadian Military Cemetery, Saint-Inglevert, France, on August 6, 1945.

Garfield’s father Daniel died in Canso on September 9, 1962, and was interred in St. Agnes Cemetery, Little Dover. Daniel’s wife Annie passed away in Hazel Hill on January 13, 1984, and was laid to rest beside her husband.

Garfield’s older brother Alonzo Vincent “Lonnie” also enlisted for military service during the Second World War. He initially served with the Pictou Highlanders, a Nova Scotia militia unit, and later attested with the CASF. Lonnie was assigned to a Royal Canadian Army Service Corps unit that was attached to the 2nd Medium Regiment, Royal Canadian Artillery.

Lance Corporal Alonzo Vincent "Lonnie" Munroe

Lonnie’s RCASC unit served with 1st Canadian Army’s No. 1 Army Group, RCA, in Italy from July 1943 to early 1945, at which time the group relocated to the Netherlands and Germany for the final months of the war. During his time in uniform, Lonnie was promoted to the rank of Lance Corporal and was Mentioned in Dispatches (MID) “in recognition of gallant and distinguished services” in the field.

Upon returning to Canada, Lonnie married Florence Alice Cohoon, daughter of Cecil James Cohoon and Rose Anne Eustace, at Canso on January 7, 1947. The couple initially settled in Sydney, but later moved to Toronto, ON, where Lonnie worked as a barber. Lonnie and Rose Anne raised a family of four children. Later in life, they returned to Canso, where Lonnie passed away on June 21, 1993. He was laid to rest in Star of the Sea Roman Catholic Cemetery, Canso.

Special thanks to Jackie, Munroe, Woodstock, ON, for reviewing the Munroe family information and providing a picture of her father, Lance Corporal Alonzo Vincent Munroe.

Rifleman Charles Henry "Charlie"Snyder—Killed in Action September 25, 1944

Charles Henry “Charlie” Snyder was born in Halfway Cove, Guysborough County, on March 7, 1915. Charlie’s parents were also Halfway Cove natives. His father John James was the son of David Lewis Snyder and Almira Catherine George, while his mother Jerusha Elizabeth “Mary” was the daughter of John Jacob George and Margaret Elizabeth Jamieson.

Rifleman Charles Henry "Charlie" Snyder

John James and Jerusha Elizabeth were married in Guysborough on September 9, 1897. By the time of the 1911 Canadian census, three children had joined the family—Albert, age 11 (DOB April 1898); Lizzie, age eight (DOB January 1903); and Catherine Viola Odessa (YOB January 6, 1911). Over the following decade, four more children arrived—Amanda Jean “Manda” (DOB c. 1913); Charles Henry “Charlie”; Allan Seward (YOB c. 1918); and William E. “Willie” (YOB c. 1919).

Charlie Snyder completed Grade IV and left school at age 13 to go to work. He spent 10 years fishing with his father and five years in the woods as a “chopper.” Charlie was employed with the Standard Clay Co., New Glasgow, for two months but eventually returned to Halfway Cove. He had worked as a farm labourer for John James Sangster, Halfway Cove, for one month prior to entering military service.

On August 28, 1942, Charlie enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at Halifax, NS. He commenced basic training in Yarmouth in mid-September and remained there until November 18, when he was transferred to the Coastal Defence and Anti-Aircraft Training Centre, Halifax. Upon completing a one-month artillery instruction program, Charlie was assigned to No. 36 Battery, 16th Coastal Brigade, Royal Canadian Artillery, Sydney.

The 16th Coastal Brigade consisted of several militia units—searchlight, anti-aircraft and coastal artillery batteries—responsible for defending strategic locations along the Maritime coastline. The Brigade was placed on active service on January 1, 1941, and its units deployed to such Nova Scotia locations as Sydney Harbour, Canso Strait and Halifax Harbour.

On December 20, 1942, Gunner Charlie Snyder commenced active duty with the 36th Battery. One month later, he was transferred to the 15th Coastal Battery, St. John, NB, where he logged three months’ service. In late April 1943, he was posted to the 16th Coastal Battery, Sydney, where he served into the following year.

During his time in Sydney, Charlie was admitted to hospital in mid-May 1943. He remained under medical care until July 9, at which time he received two weeks’ sick leave before returning to duty. His service file provides no details as to the nature of his illness.

As the first full year of Charlie’s service came to an end, Canadian military authorities were grappling with concerns of a possible shortage of infantry reinforcements. Canadian infantry units had been fighting in Italy since early July 1943 and plans for a massive Allied invasion of German-occupied France sometime in 1944 were well underway.

During the war’s first four years, a significant proportion of Canadian recruits had enlisted with or been assigned to other branches of military service, particularly artillery. Officials therefore began to re-assign personnel from branches with surplus manpower to infantry service.

As a result of this policy decision, Gunner Charlie Sydner was re-mustered to the Canadian Infantry Corps in January 1944. Early the following month, he was transferred to No. 1 Transit Camp, Windsor. In mid-March, he reported to No. 60 (Basic) Infantry Training Centre, Yarmouth. Upon completing its program, he received two weeks’ leave before reporting to No. 14A (Advanced) Infantry Training Centre, Aldershot, in late May.

Having completed training, Charlie was granted a six-day pre-embarkation leave on July 22. He departed for overseas on August 4 and arrived in the United Kingdom six days later. Charlie was immediately assigned to No. 4 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU). A note in his file stated that he “prefers GD [general duty] with the North Nova Scotia Highlanders.”

On September 5, 1944, Charlie was transferred to 2nd Canadian Base Reinforcement Group and immediately departed for France. He landed in Normandy the following day and awaited orders to join an active unit in the field. Two weeks later, he was transferred to the Regina Rifles Regiment (Saskatchewan).

The Regina Rifles Regiment traces its origins to the 95th Regiment, a militia unit created in the Northwest Territories’ Saskatchewan and Assiniboine Districts in 1905. Three years later, the 95th became a rifle regiment. The unit provided several drafts to Canadian Expeditionary Force battalions during the First World War.

On March 15, 1920, the 95th was re-designated the South Saskatchewan Regiment. Its 1st Battalion, located in Regina, was re-named the Regina Rifles Regiment on May 15, 1924. When the Second World War broke out in Europe, the Regiment was mobilized for home defence and recruited men from Regina, Battleford and Prince Albert to form a 1st Battalion for overseas service. As the majority of its personnel came from rural areas, the unit was referred to as the “Farmer Johns,” a nickname that was later shortened to the “Johns.”

The 1st Battalion, Regina Rifles Regiment, initially travelled to Debert, NS, for coastal defence service. On August 24, 1941, its personnel departed for overseas at part of the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division’s 7th Brigade, alongside the Royal Winnipeg Rifles and The Canadian Scottish Regiment (Princess Mary’s). The Regina Rifles were assigned to coastal defence duties in southeastern England, where the threat of German invasion was greatest.

On June 6, 1944, the Regina Rifles came ashore in the “Nan” sector of Juno Beach in the first wave of Canadian landings. Its soldiers successfully destroyed German gun positions along the beach and cleared the village of Courselles-sur-Mer, allowing a second wave of Canadian units to come ashore before day’s end. The “Farmer Johns” suffered a total of 108 casualties during their first day of combat.

The Rifles participated in the capture of Caen in early July and advanced southward toward Falaise with Canadian units over the next six weeks. By late August, Allied forces had closed the Falaise gap and German units began a hasty retreat northward toward the Seine River.

Allied forces followed in pursuit, the three Canadian Divisions—2nd, 3rd and 4th Armoured—advancing to Rouen and then veering northward toward a series of strategically important “Channel Ports” located along the French coast in early September.

The 2nd Canadian Division, which had participated in the disastrous Dieppe Raid in August 1942, was assigned the task of liberating the town. Meanwhile, the Regina Rifles’ 3rd Canadian Infantry Division (3rd CID) moved forward on 2nd CID’s right flank, driving enemy forces from Le Tréport and advancing northward toward two key ports located along the narrowest stretch of the English Channel—Boulogne and Calais. Artillery batteries at both locations had to be neutralized to allow for safe pasage of vessels carrying supplies to the continent through the strait.

On September 6, the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade occupied an area of high ground seven miles southwest of Calais, cutting off communication with Boulogne. Having isolated the two ports, the attack on Boulogne, known as “Operation Wellhit,” commenced on September 17, and involved units from the 3rd CID’s 8th and 9th Brigades.

Meanwhile, the 7th Brigade focused on Calais, which presented unique challenges. A network of canals ran through the landward approaches to the fortified city. Marshy ground and “inundated [flooded] areas” presented obstacles to the south and east. A road and rail line eastward to Gravelines ran along a solitary, well-fortified ridge.

Calais itself still possessed much of its historical fortifications. A bastioned wall and moat surrounded most of the developed area. Its modern defences, however, all faced toward the sea. A network of batteries, pillboxes, machine gun positions and concrete shelters for rail car-mounted artillery guns stretched along the coastline. Minefields and an anti-tank ditch connecting the flooded areas to the sea protected the coastal installations, while infantry positions and more minefields, supported by field, anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns, protected the land approaches to the south and east.

Approximately 7,500 German personnel manned the city’s defences, approximately one-third of whom were infantrymen. The remainder were responsible for operating the coastal guns and port facilities. The majority of personnel were older men and morale was low, characteristics that favoured attacking forces.

The plan of attack called for a preliminary aerial and artillery bombardment of German positions, followed by a heavily-supported infantry attack. A smoke screen approximately 3,000 meters wide would be deployed to shield Allied artillery positions from observation at the Cape Gris Nez batteries, which still remained under German control.

The attack would unfold in two stages. The initial part focused on Cape Griz Nez and the western approaches to Calais. Once this area was secured, Canadian units would focus on the city itself, simultaneously attacking the well-fortified position from the west, south and east.

Source: C. P. Stacey's "The Victory Campaign"

Units from the 7th and 8th Brigades were selected to conduct the first stage of the operation, with support from the 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade’s tanks. The 7th Brigade was to “capture or destroy” the garrisons at Belle Vue, Coquelles and Calais itself, while the 8th Brigade secured enemy positions at Escalles, near Cape Blanc Nez, and Noires Mottes on the western flank.

In the midst of these elaborate preparations, Private Charles Henry Snyder joined the Regina Rifles’ ranks on September 20. Charlie had little time to adjust to arriving in the front lines, as the attack on Calais, dubbed “Operation Undergo,” was imminent. He would see combat for the first time during its initial stage.

While infantry units were ready to proceed, poor weather delayed the aerial bombardment until the afternoon of September 24, when 188 Allied aircraft struck targets in the Calais area. A second air raid took place around 0815 hours September 25. While the bombing damaged German defences and morale, it was not a decisive blow.

At 0850 hours, the Regina Rifles’ A Company moved out, followed 10 minutes later by D Company. The aerial bombing had missed the unit’s objective—German positions atop Belle Vue Ridge—landing in an area to the west. At 1015 hours, soldiers from two 3rd Brigade units—the Regina Rifles and Winnipeg Rifles—moved forward toward their objectives. Simultaneously, 8th Brigade units advanced on Cape Gris Nez on the 3rd Brigade’s left flank.

The Regina Rifles’ Companies made slow but steady progress, fighting their way down the forward slope of a ridge west of Coquelles with the support of the British 6th Armoured Regiment. When the Farmer Johns encountered strong resistance, 3rd Brigade command ordered its third battalion, The Canadian Scottish Regiment, forward to assist on the Reginas’ immediate left flank. The Scots encountered numerous minefields but made their way forward and were soon advancing along a coastal road behind the Regina Rifles’ objective toward Calais.

By 1330 hours, the Regina Rifle’s soldiers were still “fighting hard for objectives and calling on tanks, flails [a military vehicle-mounted device that created a safe path through a minefield] and crocodiles [a British flame-throwing tank]” for assistance. With their help, the Companies were finally able to”to carry through to the [day’s] objective.”

On the Regina Rifles’ right flank, the Royal Winnipeg Rifles also met with stiff opposition at Vieux Coquelles but managed to drive enemy forces from their bomb-proof concrete shelters. The unit continued forward, encountering snipers, minefields and pockets of resistance as German artillery targeted the area. The toughest fighting occurred in Coquelles, where the Winnipegers engaged enemy soldiers in house-to-house fighting. By day’s end, the soldiers also secured their objective.

The 3rd Brigade attack successfully secured the area directly west of Calais. On its left flank, 8th Brigade units also cleared enemy forces from the Cape Blanc Nez battery. The combined successes set the stage for a final assault on the city of Calais itself, scheduled to commence within 48 hours.

The day’s successes, however, came at a cost. Commonwealth War Graves Commission records report a total of 13 Regina Rifles fatalities on September 25, 1944. Private Charles Henry Snyder was one of the fallen soldiers, killed sometime during the day’s attack on Belle Vue Ridge. Charlie was initially laid to rest in a temporary Canadian Military Cemetery in Hardinghen, 20 kilometers south of Calais, France.

In early October 1944, John James Snyder received a telegram from Canadian authorities, informing him that his second-oldest son had been killed in action in the Western European theatre. On August 6, 1945, Charlie’s remains were re-interred in Calais Canadian War Cemetery, Saint-Inglevert, France.

John James Snyder died in St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, on February 9, 1948, and was laid to rest in St. James the Martyr Anglican Church Cemetery, Halfway Cove. His widow Jerusha Elizabeth passed away in Guysborough Memorial Hospital, Guysborough, on October 31, 1965, and was laid to rest in Halfway Cove beside her husband.

Photograph of Rifleman Charles Henry Snyder courtesy of Toby George, Halfway Cove, Guysborough County.

Private Clarence Henry Greencorn—Killed in Action September 19, 1944

Clarence Henry Greencorn was born in Tor Bay, Guysborough County, on November 24, 1914. Both of Clarence’s parents were Guysborough County natives. His father, George Christopher Greencorn, was the son of George Christopher Greencorn Sr., Halfway Cove, and Abigail Armsworthy, Tor Bay. His mother, Margaret Abigail, was the daughter of Edward Greencorn, Tor Bay, and Marianne Shields, Phillips Harbour.

Private Clarence Henry Greencorn

Clarence Greencorn was the second-oldest child in a family of six boys and three girls—Howard Clayton (DOB November 20, 1905); Lewis Arnold (DOB February 24, 1916); Murray Edman (DOB May 8, 1918); Hugh Cobert (DOB May 17, 1919); Katie Evelyn (YOB c. 1922); Clara Anabelle (later Mrs. Kenneth Hendsbee, YOB c. 1923); Joseph Raymond (YOB c. 1924, died in St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, on June 22, 1934); and Mamie Catherine (later Mrs. Clarence Delaney, YOB c. 1925).

Clarence started school at age nine and completed Grade IV. He entered the labour force at age 14, fishing with his father and “working in the bush.” On April 27, 1939, Clarence married Nina Esther Greencorn, daughter of Frederick Greencorn and Louise McDonald, Half Island Cove, in St. James Rectory, Queensport. The newlyweds made their home in Half Island Cove, where Clarence worked as a “fish handler” in a plant operated by R. Hendsbee.

On December 23, 1943, Clarence enlisted with the Canadian Active Service Force at Halifax, NS. According to his service file, four of his brothers also served in Canada but had been discharged. A family photo shows his older brother Howard Clayton wearing a Pictou Highlanders hat, suggesting that he served in the Mulgrave area. Younger brother Murray Edman’s grave marker states that he served with “No. 6 NRMA [National Resources Mobilization Act] Clearing Depot.”

His brothers’ actions may have motivated Clarence to join the armed forces, despite his family circumstances. At the time of his enlistment, there were three young boys in the Greencorn household—Vester Bartlett, age 11; Eldon Lewis, age three; and Spencer Wilson, age two. In addition, Nina was expecting a fourth child—a daughter, Barbara Marian, was born on July 21, 1944, by which time her father was serving overseas.

After a 10-day holiday leave, Clarence reported for duty on January 4, 1944, and was posted to No. 60 (Basic Training) Centre, Yarmouth, before month’ end. In late March, he proceeded to Aldershot, NS, for advanced infantry instruction. Upon completing the program received two weeks pre-embarkation leave in late May.

Clarence departed for overseas on June 18, 1944, and landed in the United Kingdom six days later. His arrival came at a time when there was increasing demand for infantry reinforcements. Canadian units had been fighting in Italy for almost one year and the Allied invasion of German-occupied France had occurred 12 days previously.  It is therefore not surprising that his time in the UK was brief.

Upon landing overseas, Clarence was immediately assigned to No. 4 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit, He waited for only three weeks before being placed on the Mediterranean theatre’s reinforcement list. On July 16, he left the UK for Italy, arrived in Naples before month’s end, and was immediately placed on the active reinforcement list.

At the time of Clarence’s arrival in Italy, Canadian units were “out of the line,” training and enjoying a much-needed rest after participating in the Liri Valley campaign during the late spring of 1944. In late August, the Canadians returned to action in sectors along the Adriatic coast, where they prepared for an Allied attack on the Gothic Line, south of the coastal town of Rimini.

The campaign commenced before month’s end and lasted throughout September, with Canadian units experiencing some of the fiercest combat since landing in Italy. The predictable result was a dramatic rise in the demand for infantry reinforcements. On September 15, Private Clarence Henry Greencorn was assigned to the West Nova Scotia Regiment. The following day, he joined the unit in the field.

The West Nova Scotia Regiment was created in 1936 when the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments amalgamated to form one militia unit. The battalion officially mobilized for service on September 1, 1939, and departed for overseas before year’s end. The “West Novas” were assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade (3rd CIB), where they served alongside the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) and the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec’s “VanDoos”).

The 1st Canadian Division was part of the Allied force that invaded Sicily in early July 1943 and crossed the Strait of Messina to the Italian peninsula’s southern tip two months later. After advancing northward, the West Novas spent the winter of 1943-44 in sectors north of Ortona along Italy’s Adriatic coast. In mid-April 1944, the unit completed its last tour there as preparations for its next combat assignment commenced.

During the month of May, the West Novas participated in the Liri Valley campaign, entering the line on May 18 for the operation’s final stage. The entire 1st Canadian Division then retired to the Volturno Valley for the months of June and July, its units training in the summer heat while replenishing their ranks. In early August, the Division began a move northeastward toward the Adriatic sector, where its next assignment would take place.

The target was the Gothic Line, a network of German defences stretching across the Italian peninsula from a location north of Pisa on the Ligurian Sea eastward through the Appenines north of Florence to a position on the Adriatic Sea south of Rimini. The area was covered with rolling farms and vineyards, through which a series of small rivers made their way to the sea. Four main water courses—the Metauro, Foglia, Marano and Ausa—cut through the area in a direction roughly parallel to the Allied front line. Between each river lay parallel ridges that German forces had fortified.

The campaign commenced in late August, Allied units initially breaking through the German line and clearing enemy forces from the area in front of the Gothic Line. In the days prior to the West Nova Scotia Regiment’s return to combat, the 1st Canadian Division’s 1st and 2nd Canadian Infantry Brigades crossed the Metauro River—the first water obstacle—and forced German personnel to retreat across the Foglia River, which was believed to be the location of the enemy’s main defensive positions.

In fact, the Gothic Line was constructed in considerable depth, stretching northward across the ridge behind the Foglia to a series of ridges behind the Marano and Ausa Rivers. The task of driving German forces from the area proved far more formidable and costly than Allied commanders initially anticipated.

On the night of August 29/30, the West Novas entered the front line with orders to cross the Foglia and push northward into German defensive positions. The assignment required two days of fierce fighting before the unit achieved its objective. A total of 19 soldiers were killed in action, while another 59 were wounded during the operation.

In response to the Allied advance across the Foglia, German forces retreated to an area around Riccione while its engineers bolstered defensive positions along the Marano River. Over the next several days, the West Novas moved forward behind the Allied advance as the push continued toward Rimini, where German commanders had concentrated their forces along another defensive line.

Rimini was a popular Adriatic seaside resort, located on the northern edge of a narrow coastal plain. To the south, steep slopes rose into the Apennine Mountains. Along its eastern and south-eastern approaches, two parallel rivers—the Marano and Ausa—cut through the terrain leading to the town. Usually shallow during the summer months, their water levels rose steadily during the autumn.

A ridge containing the village of San Lorenzo-in-Corregiano lay between the Marano and Ausa river valleys, while a second ridge, San Fortunato, lay beyond the Ausa and was the last area of high ground protecting the approaches to Rimini. While the two ridges were not massive, units from five German Divisions were concentrated on and around both features.

The West Novas’ 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade (3rd CIB) was given the task of crossing the Marano River and securing the San Lorenzo-in-Corregiano ridge. The attack commenced during the early morning hours of September 14 and required another two days of fierce combat before the unit secured the area during the evening of September 15. The success was only the first stage of a larger operation. Ahead lay the Ausa River and beyond it San Fortunato Ridge. the last major obstacle blocking the path to Rimini.

The following day, the West Novas were “busy… re-organizing having suffered rather severe casualties in men and equipment the past couple of days.” While its daily war diary entry does not provide additional details, a reinforcement draft appears to have arrived in camp, as Private Clarence Henry Greenhorn joined the units’s ranks that day. The inexperienced soldier had little time to adjust to his circumstances, having arrived in the midst of an ongoing operation.

On 3rd CIB’s right flank, 1st CIB had advanced to the edge of the Rimini airfield. However, German forces atop San Fortunato Ridge had a clear view of the entire area and their artillery fire prevented further progress. The key to breaking the deadlock in the sector depended on Canadian forces crossing the Ausa and forcing the Germans off the ridge.

At noon September 17, the West Novas’ B Company made its way down the slope leading to the Ausa River with orders to establish a jumping-off point for a river crossing. Within an hour, the soldiers had secured a crossroads where the village of Gaiofana was situated.

Meanwhile, throughout the entire day and night, German guns atop San Fortunato Ridge shelled the West Novas’ positions, the bombardment reaching a peak in the morning hours of September 18. To further complicate matters, a Royal Air Force Spitfire lost its bearings and mistakenly dropped a bomb on the San Lorenzo church, burying a party of Canadian engineers and an A Company platoon in rubble and causing several casualties.

The engineers were unable to descend the slopes to the Ausa and establish a tank crossing until nightfall, as any movement during daytime hours drew fierce enemy fire. The planned assault on San Fortunato Ridge was therefore postponed until dawn September 19. Meanwhile, the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) on the West Novas’ immediate right flank cleared enemy forces from the southern river bank and prepared to provide covering fire for the engineers.

The 1st CIB’s Hastings & Prince Edward Regiment (Hasty Ps) were temporarily placed under 3rd CIB command, with orders to assist the West Novas in seizing San Fortunato Ridge. The two units were to advance directly up the slope while the Royal 22e Régiment waited in reserve. The “sappers” worked steadily throughout the night of September 18/19 and had a crossing in place by 0345 hours September 19.

As the two attacking units had “formed up” around midnight, the advance commenced immediately. Along the West Novas’ frontage, its A and B Companies led the way, each supported by a tank troop. In their wake, C and D Companies and a third tank troop moved forward. The soldiers passed through the Carleton & Yorks’ line along the river bed and used the temporary bridge erected by the “sappers” to cross the Ausa River.

Around 0500 hours, the two-battalion attacking force began its climb up the slope to the ridge. By that time, a Canadian artillery barrage on German positions located there had commenced. Realizing an attack was imminent, enemy forces responded with a counter-barrage beyond the Canadian fire-line, hoping to strike the advancing soldiers.

Once the West Novas were firmly established on the slope, the Canadian barrage lifted and the attack commenced. By that time, daylight had arrived and the air was thick with dust and smoke from exploding shells. As the West Novas were still a short distance from the German line, the pause between the lifting of the artillery fire and their arrival at the top of the ridge was sufficient to allow German personnel to rush from their dugouts into their weapon pits and man their weapons.

The West Novas’ foes were members of the elite 1st Parachute Division, the same unit they had faced earlier in Ortona. Well equipped with automatic weapons, the German gunners pinned the attackers to the ground within minutes of the barrage lifting. Anti-tank guns prevented the supporting tanks from advancing, disabling several when they attempted to move forward.

The lead West Nova Companies requested artillery smoke shells and made several unsuccessful attempts to move forward amidst the smoke. To their right, the Hasty Ps found themselves in the same situation. Throughout the remainder of the day and into the evening, the two regiments clung to the slope as machine gun, artillery and mortar fire swept the area.

At dusk, the Royal 22e Régiment moved forward in an attempt to work around the slope to the left. The West Novas’ C and D companies carried out a similar move on the unit’s immediate left, with orders to launch a flank attack in the morning. The night was dark, the dust and smoke from artillery and mortar shells making visibility even worse. As a result, there was some confusion as soldiers moved about on the slope.

By daylight September 20, C and D Companies were in position and moved forward to attack as A and B Companies directly rushed German positions. Around 1100 hours. A Company and a group of supporting tanks managed to break through the main enemy line along the ridge and enemy resistance quickly collapsed.

The West Novas spent the remainder of the day establishing defensive positions around the hamlet of Pomposa Grande. As evening arrived, the weary soldiers sought what rest they could amid a steady stream of enemy artillery and mortar fire determined to push them off the ridge. The unit clung to its position throughout the following two days—September 21 and 22—as fighting raged further to the east.

By day’s end September 22, Allied forces had secured Rimini and a “month of hot and costly fighting” came to an end. The West Nova attacks on San Lorenzo and San Fortunato Ridges had resulted in 58 soldiers killed and another 196 wounded. Combined with the losses during the Foglia crossing, the combat along the Rimini Line had cost the unit 75 dead and 255 wounded, literally half of its fighting strength.

On September 23, the West Novas moved out to the coastal town of Cattolica, south-east of Rimini, where its remaining personnel entered quarters in an Italian naval barracks near the mouth of the Conca River. The soldiers rested there for three weeks while the unit rebuilt its fighting strength.

Private Clarence Henry Greencorn was among the West Nova soldiers killed during the September 19, 1944 attack on San Fortunato Ridge. He was initially buried in a West Nova Scotia Regiment established in San Lorenzo. In early October, Nina received a telegram from military authorities, informing her that her husband and the father of her four young children had died in combat. On September 26, 1945, Clarence’s remains were re-interred in Coriano Ridge British War Cemetery.

On December 31, 1947, Nina married Joseph Daniel Levangie, a 36-year-old widower and native of Havre Boucher, Antigonish County, in a ceremony that took place in Canso. While Joseph was living in Beaverbank, Halifax County, at the time of the marriage, the couple later settled in Frankville, Antigonish County, where Nina passed away in 1986.

Clarence’s father George Christopher Greencorn died in Halfway Cove, Guysborough County, on June 23, 1949, and was interred in a local cemetery. His widow Margaret passed away in Guysborough Municipal Hospital on September 2, 1965, and was also laid to rest in Halfway Cove.

Photograph of Private Clarence Henry Greencorn obtained from the Canadian Virtual War Memorial website.

Lance Corporal James Vincent Fader—Killed in Action September 19, 1944

James Vincent Fader was born in Dover, Guysborough County, on July 20, 1911. James’ mother Mary Delina was also a Dover native, the daughter of Patrick and Marine Angelique “Mary” (Landry) Barry. His father Wlliam Ivan, a “seaman” by occupation, was born in Yarmouth, the son of Caleb and Elizabeth Fader.

Lance Corporal James Vincent Fader

William and Mary married in Canso on January 9, 1906, and made their home in Hazel Hill. Their first child, Mary Myrtle, was born in October 1906. James, who arrived almost five years later, was their second child and only son. A second daughter, Margaret Ann, was born in Dover on June 27, 1914. At the time of the 1921 Canadian census, the family was still residing in Hazel Hill.

On October 9, 1928, Myrtle married Alexander Carter “Alex” Murray, son of James W. and Catherine J. (Carter) Murray, Mulgrave. The ceremony took place in St. George’s Rectory, New Glasgow. The young couple settled in Alex’s hometown. Myrtle’s sister Margaret married Ernest Havelock George, son of Rufus N. and Delvina Ethel George, Queensport, in Star of the Sea Church, Canso, on July 5, 1934.

James Vincent Fader completed Grade VII and left school at age 14. He then worked as a labourer for various road construction contractors around Guysborough County while living in Hazel Hill. On February 15, 1939, James married Lavinia Faustina Lumsden, daughter of Arthur and Aretta [Euloth] Lumsden, Cole Harbour, in Star of the Sea Roman Catholic Church, Canso.

Before year’s end, two significant events occurred in the Fader family. On July 1, 1939, James and Lavinia’s first child, James Clayton, was born in Antigonish. During the autumn of 1939, James’ mother Mary (Barry) Fader fell ill. Perhaps wishing to be closer to medical services, Mary moved into her daughter Myrtle’s Mulgrave home, where she passed away on November 19, 1939. She was laid to rest in Star of the Sea Church Cemetery, Canso. The following year, James and Lavinia’s daughter, Mary Delena, born in Hazel Hill on July 17, 1940, was named after her paternal grandmother.

On June 10, 1941, James attested with the Canadian Active Service Force at Mulgrave. According to his service file, he enlisted because “he did not have a job” at the time. James identified his wife Lavinia, Hazel Hill, as his next of kin. Before month’s end, he reported to No. 62A Canadian Army (Basic) Training Centre, Charlottetown, PEI. In late August, he moved on to No. 14 (Advanced) Infantry Training Centre, Aldershot. While there, James completed a driver’s course, qualifying as a Driver I/C [internal combustion], Class III, on November 12, 1941.

James proceeded overseas in mid-December 1941 and set foot in the United Kingdom on Boxing Day. Before year’s end, he was assigned to No. 3 Divisional Infantry Reinforcement Unit for “general duty” as a “MT” [motor transport] driver. During his first year overseas, James was attached to the Royal Canadian Ordnance Corps as a driver for two weeks in February 1942. Over the next eight months, he was assigned to the Royal Canadian Engineers as a driver on two occasions. In mid-November, he commenced a second driver training course, qualifying as Driver I/C before year’s end.

Several important developments occurred during James’ second year in the UK. On January 31, 1943, he was assigned to No. 7 Canadian Infantry Reinforcement Unit (CIRU), the first step toward joining an active infantry unit. In late August, he was promoted to the rank of Acting Lance Corporal, but an unspecified incident led to a reversion to the rank of Private before year’s end.

The demotion occurred around the same time as another development recorded in James’ service file. In mid-October, he changed his next of kin to his sister, Myrtle [Mrs. Alex] Murray, Mulgrave. While his file provides no details, it appears that his wife Lavinia, who had moved to Antigonish in November 1942, had decided to end their marital relationship and James’ sister Myrtle had taken the two Fader children into her Mulgrave home.

1943 also saw important developments on the battlefield. In early July, an Allied force invaded Sicily and moved on to the Italian mainland in early September. As Canadian military officials prepared for the resumption of combat in the spring of 1944, there was considerable demand for reinforcements in the field. As a result, on February 17, 1944, James’ name was placed on the Mediterranean Force Reinforcement List. The following day, James departed for the Mediterranean theatre and landed in Naples, Italy, on March 3, 1944.

Two months after arriving in Italy, James was once again promoted to the rank of Acting Lance Corporal. On May 19, he advanced to the active unit reinforcement list. Two days later, he reverted to the rank of Private and was assigned to the West Nova Scotia Regiment. On May 24—only three days after officially joining the unit’s ranks—James was once again promoted to the rank of Acting Lance Corporal and advanced to the full rank of Lance Corporal on June 10.

The West Nova Scotia Regiment was created in 1936 when the Lunenburg and Annapolis Regiments amalgamated to form one militia unit. The battalion officially mobilized for service on September 1, 1939, and departed for overseas before year’s end. The “West Novas” were assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade (3rd CIB), where its soldiers served alongside the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) and the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec’s “VanDoos”).

The 1st Canadian Division was part of the Allied force that invaded Sicily in early July 1943 and crossed the Strait of Messina to the southern tip of the Italian peninsula two months later. The West Novas spent the winter of 1943-44 in sectors north of Ortona along Italy’s Adriatic coast. In mid-April 1944, the unit completed its last tour in the area as preparations for its next combat assignment commenced.

The arrival of spring brought a renewal of active fighting after a quiet period during the winter months. Allied forces were particularly interested in breaking through German defences on the western side of the Italian peninsula, where a stalemate had developed. Their specific target was the Liri Valley, which ran parallel to the Italian coast in a northwesterly direction toward Rome. Within its boundaries lay two German defensive networks known as the Gustav and Hitler Lines. If Allied forces could seize control of the valley, the road to the Italian capital would be open.

On April 22, the West Nova Regiment began its journey to the front line’s western secttors. Two days later, personnel established camp three kilometers north of Riccia, where they trained for 10 days before moving on to Lucerno and Bucciano, northeast of Naples, for further exercises. On May 15, the battalion travelled northward to Pignatoro, where 1st Canadian Division units gathered prior to returning to the front line.

The Liri Valley campaign had commenced four days earlier, British, Indian and Polish units breaking through the Gustav Line and pushing northward toward the Hitler Line. On the evening of May 18, the West Novas moved forward and continued the Allied advance toward the second defensive network over the next seven days.

The final stage commenced on May 23, with units from 3rd CIB and several other Canadian brigades breaking through sectors of the Hitler Line between Pontecorvo and Aquino. The West Novas spent three hard days in the line before withdrawing on May 26. During its 10-day tour in the Liri Valley, the Regiment recorded 48 fatalities among its ranks.

On the same day that the unit retired from the line, a reinforcement draft of three officers and 91 other ranks (OR) arrived in its camp and were “duly allotted to Companies” short of personnel after the gruelling Liri Valley tour. Lance Corporal James Vincent Fader was one of the new OR arrivals.

On June 1, the West Novas retired to a rest camp near Pofi. Meanwhile, German losses in the western sectors and constant pressure in the east resulted in enemy units withdrawing to the northern area of the Italian peninsula, abandoning the Italian capital without a fight. Three days later, British and American forces entered Rome. On June 6, news of the D-Day landings in Normandy, France, marked the beginning of an important new phase of the war.

Meanwhile, the entire Canadian Corps retired to the Volturno Valley for an extended period of rest and training. The West Novas’ 1st Canadian Division gathered near the town of Piedemont d’Alife, in the foothills of the Appenines. The Nova Scotians arrived in the area by motor transport on June 9.

Personnel spent the next six weeks training and participating in a variety of recreational activities in the hot summer weather. The Knights of Columbus and other auxiliary organizations sponsored “picture shows” and soldiers received short leaves to Naples, Pompeii, Salerno and Rome.

July’s drills focused on infantry-tank co-operation, the West Novas training alongside the 48th Royal Tank Regiment’s C Squadron. During the process, the two units formed a strong bond while the infantrymen learned the intricacies of tank operation.

On July 29, the 1st Canadian Division set out for its next assignment, briefly encamping south of Rome before passing through the city and on to open country near Foligno and Assisi. After a brief pause, the units moved out on August 4, making their way to Castelllna, where the Canadians encamped amongst the vineyards of the Chianti hills, an area famous for its red wine.

During the Canadian’s time out of the line, other Allied units pursued retreating German forces into northern Italy, where they had erected yet another defensive network. The Gothic Line stretched across the entire Italian peninsula, from a location near Rimini on the Adriatic coast to an area north of Pisa on the Ligurian Sea. The western portion lay north of the deep Arno River, which flowed out of the Apennine Mountains through Florence and on to the western coast.

The eastern section extended through the Appenines north of Florence to a coastal plain on the Adriatic coast. The area was covered with rolling farms and vineyards, through which a series of small rivers made their way to the sea. Four main water courses—the Metauro, Foglia, Marano and Ausa—cut through the area in a direction roughly parallel to the Allied front line. Between each river lay parallel ridges that German forces had fortified.

In assessing their options, Allied commanders decided to break through the Gothic Line’s Adriatic sector, as its rivers’ water levels were low and easily forded by infantry and tanks following the summer drought. To deceive the Germans, some 1st Canadian Division units were dispatched to western sectors in early August to complete their training, while the remainder awaited orders to depart for the Adriatic coastline.

In early August, the West Nova Scotia Regiment moved to a location near Florence, then  travelled onto Perugia, where personnel spent one week rehearsing river crossings. The 1st Canadian Division gradually assembled in the area, its officers receiving details on the upcoming Adriatic operation once all units had arrived.

The British 8th Army, to which Canadian forces were attached, was given the task of breaking through the Gothic Line and capturing the coastal town of Rimini. A strategically valuable railway line to Bologna and Milan ran through the town. An Allied breakthrough would force German forces to retreat into the plains along the Po River. The long-range Allied goal was to proceed across the plains, through the Tyrolese Alps and into southern Germany.

During the last two weeks of August, the West Novas gradually made their way to the Adriatic sector, finally establishing camp several kilometers north of Ancona on August 27. By that time, the Polish Division had already commenced clearing German forces from an area in front of the Gothic Line. Canadian units completed the task two days prior to the West Novas’ arrival, the 1st and 2nd Canadian Infantry Brigades crossing the Metauro River and forcing German personnel to retreat across the Foglia River, which was believed to be the location of the enemy’s main defensive positions.

In fact, the Gothic Line was constructed in considerable depth, stretching northward across the ridge behind the Foglia to a series of ridges behind the Marano and Ausa Rivers. The task of driving German forces from the area proved far more formidable and costly than Allied commanders initially anticipated.

On August 28, the West Novas entered the ruins of the recently captured town of Cartoceto and prepared to return to the line. During the night of August 29/30, its personnel relieved the 48th Highlanders of Canada along a stretch of high ground facing the Foglia River valley. A scout patrol easily crossed the shallow watercourse during daylight hours without drawing enemy fire, creating the impression that enemy forces had withdrawn from the area.

In fact, this was not the case. The entire slope across the Foglia was heavily fortified with concealed machine-gun, mortar and anti-tank gun positions, providing enemy soldiers with a field of fire that covered both banks of the river. The West Novas had no idea that they were about to enter a “killing field.”

At 1600 hours August 30, the West Novas’ B Company crossed the Foglia and began to advance toward an area of high ground near the village of Borgo San Maria. A Company followed in its wake with instructions to establish a bridgehead on the river’s northern bank. As soon as the two Companies were across the river, they were met with a hail of mortar and artillery fire. While some B Company soldiers managed to reach a road running parallel to the river, they faced a hail of machine gun and mortar fire and found themselves in the midst of a minefield.

The fierce enemy resistance forced both Companies to the ground, the soldiers clinging to their positions throughout the evening hours. At dawn August 31, C and D Companies moved through B Company’s positions and advanced along a gully north of the road. As soon as they emerged from the depression, they found themselves under heavy fire in the midst of another minefield.

A smoke screen laid down by supporting artillery allowed the forward Companies to pull back to the bridgehead with their wounded by 0900 hours. Still exposed to fierce enemy fire, the unit retreated across the Foglia under cover of a second smokescreen at 1400 hours. Personnel dug in on the southern side of the river and reorganized in preparation for another crossing, scheduled for the following day.

Subsequent developments further upstream made a second attack unnecessary. The 5th Canadian Armoured Division (5th CAD) managed to break through German defences, allowing the Royal 22e Régiment (Quebec) to secure Borgo San Maria. When the West Novas crossed the Foglia again during the afternoon of September 1, they discovered that German forces had abandoned the area.

The fighting along the banks of the Foglia resulted in 19 West Nova fatalities and another 59 wounded. Unfortunately, this was only the beginning of significant combat losses connected to Allied efforts to break through the Rimini Line. The fighting provided Lance Corporal James Fader with his first combat experience. More would follow in the days ahead as Canadian units were still well short of their ultimate goal.

The initial Allied advance across the Foglia forced German units to fall back to an area around Riccione while its engineers bolstered defensive positions along the Marano River. Over the next several days, the West Novas made their way northward behind the Allied advance, crossing the Conca River on September 5 and establishing camp south of Riccione while 1st Canadian Brigade units secured the village by day’s end.

On the night of September 7/8, the West Novas returned to the line, relieving the Hastings & Prince Edward Regiment (Belleville, ON)—known as the “Hasty Ps”—near the village of San Lorenzo-in-Strada. Personnel moved out to positions south of Riccione the following day, then on to a section of the front line near the village of Sant’ Andrea in Besanigo on the evening of September 10. The unit spent the next three days preparing to attack German positions across the Marano River. Little did the soldiers realize that the assignment would be among the most difficult of its Italian service.

Rimini was a popular Adriatic seaside resort, located on the northern edge of a narrow coastal plain. To the south, steep slopes rose into the Apennine Mountains. Along its eastern and south-eastern approaches, two parallel rivers—the Marano and Ausa—cut through terrain leading to the town. Usually shallow during the summer months, their water levels rose steadily during the autumn.

A ridge containing the village of San Lorenzo-in-Corregiano lay between the Marano and Ausa river valleys, while the San Fortunato Ridge, the last area of high ground protecting the approaches to Rimini, lay beyond the Ausa. While the two ridges were not massive, units from five German Divisions were concentrated on and around both features.

The West Novas’ 3rd CIB was given the task of crossing the Marano River and securing the San Lorenzo-in-Corregiano ridge. Before the attack could take place, 11th CIB units first had to clear enemy forces from Coriano Ridge on their left flank. On the night of September 12, Royal Air Force bombers executed a spectacular night-time bombing raid on the elevated area, softening German defences prior to an infantry and tank assault. The following day, 11th Brigade units pushed German forces off the high ground.

Its left flank now secure, the West Novas prepared to launch their attack on the San Lorenzo feature. During the night of September 13, tanks from the British 12th Royal Tank Regiment moved into position, ready to support the infantry advance. At 0300 hours September 14, two 3rd CIB units—the Royal 22e Régiment on the right and the West Novas on the left—advanced toward the Marano River following a massive artillery barrage. Within two hours, the West Novas’ A and B Companies were exchanging fire with German soldiers along the river’s southern bank while C and D Companies followed in support.

It was quickly apparent that German units held the southern bank in strength. Enemy machine guns, mortars and self-propelled guns in well-concealed positions rained fire down on the attacking units, with support from German positions across the river. Fighting continued throughout the morning, the two 3rd CIB units gradually clearing enemy soldiers from the river’s southern bank in all but two locations.

At 1430 hours, a group of B Company soldiers made a dash for a bridge that remained intact and successfully disconnected demolition charges placed there by retreating German forces. As the West Novas crossed to the northern bank, they found themselves on the southern slope of the ridge, the village of San Lorenzo-in-Corregiano above them. With the exception of scattered clumps of olive trees, the landscape was barren, offering the attackers with no protection.

As the West Nova soldiers advanced up the ridge, the remaining tanks behind them, German artillery targeted the entire area. One by one, the anti-tank guns eliminated the supporting tanks. As afternoon gave way to evening, promised tank reinforcements had still not reached the battlefield. Fighting continued in the dwindling light, two West Nova Companies finally reaching the outskirts of the village by 2000 hours.

As enemy forces had established positions inside the village’s stone structures, it was impossible to advance further without tank support. As the last light of day gradually fading, the West Nova’s Commanding Officer decided it was best to consolidate the unit’s forces along the northern river bank. After 17 hours of fierce fighting, the Companies dug in there for the night as fresh supplies and weaponry were brought forward.

At 0200 hours September 15, the West Novas’ officers gathered for a meeting. Their Royal 22e Régiment comrades had reached the crest of the ridge on their right and the West Novas were to resume the attack at once, with or without tank support. Thirty minutes later. personnel once again moved up the slope. On this occasion, B and C Companies led the way, with A and D Companies following in support.

The lack of tank support virtually eliminated any chance of success, as it was impossible to penetrate the stone structures. Enemy fire soon pinned the attacking soldiers to the ground along the approaches to the village. At 0345 hours, the unit’s personnel once again withdrew to re-organize, still with no sign of tank support. Finally, at 0800 hours, tank reinforcements reached the area and 30 minutes later the West Novas once again climbed the slope to the village. B and C Companies led the way, with support from three tank troops.

The attack took place in the sweltering heat of a summer morning. At 0930 hours, C Company’s soldiers were “caught in a cone of bursting mortar bombs and lost all… [remaining] officers.” A Company quickly moved forward in their place and the advance continued. Progress was slow as machine gun fire and a self-propelled gun halted the advance by mid-morning.

Supporting anti-tank guns were hauled forward and neutralized enemy resistance, allowing the advance to resume. In the midst of the attack, German artillery observers pinpointed the location of Battalion Headquarters (HQ) and heavily shelled the position, temporarily cutting communication with Brigade HQ until another Battalion HQ was established nearby.

By mid-afternoon, B Company finally managed to create a foothold in the village as fighting raged from house to house. Attacking forces cleared enemy soldiers from the village by 1700 hours, allowing the unit to secure the area during the evening. Meanwhile, German artillery guns shelled what remained of the village’s structures throughout the night. The West Novas took shelter in the same deep dugouts and thick stone structures that had previously protected their opponents.

While the attacking force had achieved its objective, the larger battle had only just begun. Behind the San Lorenzo ridge lay the Ausa River and beyond it San Fortunato Ridge. A West Nova patrol dispatched down the ridge’s northern slope at 0200 hours September 16 was immediately driven back by enemy fire. Throughout the day, German artillery shelled the ridge and rear areas leading to the Marano River.

Meanwhile, the West Novas reorganized, gathering their dead as a pioneer platoon “cleared ground for a cemetery on the gently rising flank of the ridge looking back towards the Marano and the heights of Coriano.” Enemy artillery occasionally interrupted the process, which was finally completed at 0300 hours September 17.

On 3rd CIB’s right flank, 1st CIB had advanced to the edge of the Rimini  airfield, but German forces atop San Fortunato Ridge had a clear view of the entire area, their artillery fire preventing any further progress. The key to breaking the deadlock in the sector depended on Canadian forces crossing the Ausa and forcing the Germans off the high ground.

At noon September 17, the West Novas’ B Company made its way down the slope toward the Ausa River with orders to establish a jumping-of point for a river crossing. Within an hour, the soldiers had secured a crossroads where the village of Gaiofana was situated.

Meanwhile, throughout the entire day and night, German guns atop San Fortunato Ridge shelled the West Novas’ positions. The bombardment peaked in the morning hours of September 18. To further complicate matters, a Royal Air Force Spitfire lost its bearings and mistakenly dropped a bomb on the San Lorenzo church, burying a party of engineers and an A Company platoon in rubble and causing several casualties.

The engineers were unable to descend the slopes to the Ausa and establish a tank crossing until nightfall, as any movement during daytime hours drew fierce retaliatory fire. The planned assault on San Fortunato Ridge was therefore postponed until dawn September 19. Meanwhile, the Carleton & York Regiment (New Brunswick) on the West Novas’ immediate right flank cleared enemy forces from the southern river bank and prepared to provide covering fire for the engineers.

The Hastings & Prince Edward Regiment (Hasty Ps) were temporarily placed under 3rd CIB command, with orders to assist the West Novas in seizing San Fortunato Ridge. The two units were to advance directly up the slope while the Royal 22e Régiment waited in reserve. The “sappers” worked steadily throughout the evening and night of September 18/19 and had a crossing in place by 0345 hours September 19.

As the attacking forces had “formed up” around midnight, the attack commenced immediately, the West Novas’ A and B Companies leading the way, each supported by a tank troop. In their wake, C and D Companies and a third tank troop moved forward. The soldiers passed through the Carleton & Yorks’ line along the river bed and over the structure erected by the “sappers” across the Ausa River.

Around 0500 hours, the attacking force began its climb up the slope to the ridge. By that time, a Canadian artillery barrage on German positions atop the ridge had commenced. German forces, realizing an attack was imminent, responded with a counter-barrage beyond the Canadian fire line, hoping to strike the advancing soldiers.

Once the West Novas were firmly established on the slope, the Canadian barrage lifted and the attack commenced. By that time, daylight had arrived and the air was thick with dust and smoke from exploding shells. The West Novas were still a short distance from the German line. The pause between the lifting of the artillery fire and their arrival at the top of the ridge was sufficient to allow German personnel to rush from their dugouts into their weapon pits and man their weapons.

The West Novas’ opponents were members of the elite 1st Parachute Division, the same unit they had faced earlier in Ortona. Well equipped with automatic weapons, the German gunners pinned the West Novas to the ground within minutes of the barrage lifting. Anti-tank guns prevented the supporting tanks from advancing, disabling several as they attempted to advance.

The forward West Nova Companies requested artillery smoke shells and made several unsuccessful attempt to move forward amidst the smoke. To their right, the Hasty Ps found themselves in the same situation. Throughout the remainder of the day and into the evening, the two regiments clung to the slope as machine gun, artillery and mortar fire swept the area.

At dusk, the Royal 22e Régiment moved forward in an effort to work around the slope to the left. The West Novas’ C and D companies carried out a similar move on the unit’s immediate left, with orders to launch a flank attack in the morning. The night was dark, the dust and smoke from artillery and mortar shells making visibility even worse. As a result, there was some confusion as soldiers moved about on the slope.

By daylight September 20, C and D Companies were in position and moved forward to attack as A and B Companies rushed the German line. Around 1100 hours. A Company and a group of supporting tanks managed to break through the main enemy line along the ridge and enemy resistance quickly collapsed.

The West Novas spent the remainder of the day establishing defensive positions around the hamlet of Pomposa Grande. As evening arrived, the weary soldiers sought what rest they could amid a steady stream of enemy artillery and mortar fire determined to push them off the ridge. The unit clung to their position throughout the following two days—September 21 and 22—as fighting raged further to the east.

By day’s end September 22, Allied forces had secured Rimini and a “month of hot and costly fighting” came to an end. The West Novas’ attacks on San Lorenzo and San Fortunato Ridges had resulted in 58 soldiers killed and another 196 wounded. Combined with the losses during the Foglia crossing, the combat along the Rimini Line had cost the unit 75 dead and 255 wounded, literally half of its fighting strength.

On September 23, the West Novas moved out to the coastal town of Cattolica, south-east of Rimini, where its remaining personnel entered quarters in an Italian naval barracks near the mouth of the Conca River. The soldiers rested there for three weeks while the unit rebuilt its fighting strength.

Lance Corporal James Vincent Fader was one of the soldiers killed in action during the West Novas’ September 19 attack on San Fortunato Ridge. He was laid to rest in a temporary West Nova Scotia Regiment cemetery established in San Lorenzo. On the last day of the month, James’ sister Myrtle received a telegram from Canadian authorities, informing her that her brother had been killed in action. On September 26, 1945, James and his fallen West Nova comrades were re-interred in Coriano Ridge Empire Cemetery, two miles north of Coriano Italy.

Only months prior to James’ death, his father William passed away in Mulgrave on May 15, 1944. The exact circumstances of his death are unknown. William was laid to rest beside his wife Mary in Star of the Sea Cemetery, Canso. In April 1945, James’ widow Lavinia married Aaron Fonagy, a Caledonia, Ontario native, in a ceremony held in the H. M. C. Dockyard Chapel, Halifax. Aaron was serving with the Royal Canadian Navy Volunteer Reserve at the time of the marriage. He and Lavinia returned to Aaron’s hometown after the war. No further information is available on Lavinia’s later life.

James’ sister Myrtle raised his two children in her Mulgrave home. James Clayton Fader spent his adult life in Cape Breton. He passed away in Sydney on July 2, 2005, and was laid to rest in Oakfield Cemetery, Marion Bridge. Mary Delena Fader married Ronald Lee Glass in Mulgrave on December 27, 1958. The couple subsequently moved to Toronto, where Mary gave birth to two children, a daughter and a son. A second marriage to Meryl Elwin Shaw took place in Edmonton, Alberta, on April 18, 1968, and resulted in three more children, a son and two daughters. Mary Delena (Fader) Shaw passed away in Edmonton on April 8, 2018.

Picture of Lance Corporal James Vincent Fader courtesy of Darlene Loyal, Annapolis Valley, NS.

Private John Allan MacIsaac—Killed in Action September 18, 1944

John Allan MacIsaac was born in Fairmont, Antigonish County, on November 28, 1922. His father, Angus MacIsaac, was known locally as “Angus the Bolt.” The origin of the family nickname has not been established. John Allan was sometimes referred to as “Johnny Bolt.”

Private John Angus MacIsaac

 

Angus MacIsaac was born in Lakedale, Guysborough County, a small farming and lumbering community located between Loch Katrine and Giant’s Lake. His father John MacIsaac was a native of Scotland, the son of Angus and Catherine (MacLeod) MacIsaac. John married Ann MacDonald and raised a family of six boys and three girls. Another of John and Ann’s sons, Hugh MacIsaac—known as “Hugh the Bolt”—also lived in Antigonish, where he passed away in 1941.

John Allan’s mother Annie Catherine “Cassie” MacDonald was born in Malignant Cove on May 12, 1890, the daughter of Allan and Isabella (MacPherson) MacDonald. Allan’s father Donald raised a family of 11 children at the Cove. His MacDonald grandfather, Dougald (Mor), emigrated from Moidart, Scotland, with three brothers—Donald (known as Donald “Straight”), who settled at Antigonish Harbour; John, who went to Inverness; and Hugh (Ban).

Cassie was Allan and Isabella’s youngest child in a family of five sons and one known daughter. She first married widower Lauchlin MacNeil on April 5, 1915. Cassie was 25 years old at the time, while Lauchlin was 65 years of age. Lauchlin’s MacNeil grandfather was part of the Malcolm (Dubh/Black) MacNeil family. Malcolm served in the British Army during the American War of Independence and settled in Arisaig with several other soldiers after the war. Lauchlin’s father was Roderick “Rory” MacNeil, son of Malcolm. Rory settled in Georgeville, where he raised a family.

Lauchlin first married Flora MacNeil of Lakevale around 1875. The couple and their three oldest children, all born in Antigonish, eventually relocated to Glace Bay, where Lauchlin worked in the coal mines. Three more children were born after the move. Lauchlin’s son Roderick followed him into the mines, where he was killed in a work accident. After his wife Flora’s death, Lauchlin returned to Antigonish County, while several of his adult children remained in Cape Breton.

Lauchlin established residence in Fairmont, where he explored the possibility of mining coal in the Big Marsh area. This deposit was the subject of investigation as recently as the late 1990s. After he returned to Antigonish County, Lauchlin met Cassie and the couple married in Georgeville on April 5, 1915, Reverend Michael Gillis presiding. At the time, Lauchlin gave his residence as Glace Bay and his occupation as “miner.”

Lauchlin’s second marriage resulted in the birth of two daughters, Isabelle “Bella” and Florence Janet. Lauchlin died on March 4, 1920, the result of tuberculosis of the lungs, a condition that had afflicted him for two years. He was laid to rest in Georgeville.

Widowed with two young children, Cassie found work as a housekeeper in Maryvale, where she met Angus (The Bolt) MacIsaac, a 60-year-old bachelor farmer living in Fairmont. The couple were married at Lakevale on November 8, 1921. Angus, 31-year-old Cassie, and her two daughters established residence in Fairmont. John Allan MacIsaac, born on November 28, 1922, was Angus and Cassie’s only child.

The timeline for the family’s subsequent residence is not known. They moved into town before Angus’s passing, as his death notice in The Casket described him as a resident of West St. It is believed that the family lived on the west side of the street, likely in one of two former rooming houses owned by St. Francis Xavier University. Used as residences prior to the construction of Xavier Hall, they were part of a structure that was cut in two and moved by teams of horse and oxen from St. Ninian St. to West St. The former Antigonish County Municipal Building, still owned by the University, sits adjacent to their location.

Angus (The Bolt) died on June 3, 1934, and 44-year-old Cassie once again found herself a widow. The family’s move to town may have been prompted by her daughter Florence Janet’s marriage to Daniel William “Dan Will” Chisholm, son of Valentine & Margaret (MacDonald) Chisholm, Brierly Brook.

Valentine and Margaret later occupied a house located on the corner of St. Ninian St. and Main St. Dan Will’s two brothers, Grant and Sylvester Chisholm, owned properties on West St. and Angus and Cassie may have rented from them. Sylvester and Grant later tore down one of the two StFX buildings. Sylvester’s daughter later recalled being struck by a board as it fell off the building.

 In 1939, John Allan completed Grade 8 at Morrison School. Age 17 at the time, he worked for a while at the Sugar Loaf Bakery, Antigonish, “running bread” for a weekly wage of $18. In January 1942, he moved to Pictou town, as by that time Cassie was living there with her daughter Florence and son-in-law Dan Will Chisholm. Isabel MacNeil, Cassie’s other daughter, also resided in the household. After the move, John Allan found work in the Pictou shipyard.

In August 1942, John Allan moved to Halifax, where he was hired as a riveter in the Halifax shipyard. According to a later description in his service file, his work involved “heating rivets” for installation. The job paid a respectable $40.00 a week. John Allan worked in the shipyard for six months before deciding to enlist with the Canadian Active Service Force at Halifax on November 30, 1942.

On December 19, John Allan departed for Camp Aldershot, where he completed basic and advanced infantry training during the winter months. In April 1943, he spent eight days in the Camp’s hospital for treatment of an unspecified illness. He proceeded overseas on June 10, 1943, and arrived in the United Kingdom eight days later. As with other general recruits dispatched overseas, John Allan was “unregimented”—that is, not attached to a specific unit.

On June 27, 1943, John Allan was assigned to the 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade’s Carleton & York Regiment. The New Brunswick unit was established in 1936 with the amalgamation of two Canadian militia units, the 67th Carleton Light Infantry and 71stYork Regiment. The “Carleton & Yorks” mobilized for active duty on September 1, 1939, and were assigned to the 1st Canadian Division’s 3rd Brigade, where they fought alongside Quebec’s Royal 22e Régiment (“Vandoos”) and the West Nova Scotia Regiment (Bridgewater, NS).

The Carleton & York Regiment departed for the United Kingdom aboard the Monarch of Bermuda in early December 1939. The unit landed in Greenock, Scotland, after a seven-day crossing, and spent the next three years and seven months training and performing “home defense” duties in the UK. 

There was considerable debate over how Canada’s overseas forces should be employed in the war effort. Some Canadian politicians calling for the units to be used in any available circumstance, while others, including many officers, wanted Canadians to serve together in the impending invasion of Western Europe.

In the end, a compromise was reached in 1943, when plans to invade France were postponed for another year. As a result, the 1st Canadian Infantry Division, 1st Canadian Tank Brigade, 1st Canadian Corps Headquarters, 5th Canadian Armoured Division and 1sr Canadian Army Group Artillery, were assigned to an Allied force assembled to invade Germany’s Axis ally, Italy.

The Carleton and York Regiment sailed from Greenock, Scotland, with the invading force on June 28, 1943. As John Allan MacIsaac had joined the unit on the previous day, it is not likely that he departed for Italy at that time but followed later with a group of reinforcements. He was later officially “taken on strength” by the Regiment on December 23, 1943.

Allied forces landed on the island of Sicily on July 10, 1943. Canadian units participated in the first four weeks of fighting, moving into reserve on August 7. Ten days later, the last Italian and German forces withdrew from the island. On September 3, a Canadian force crossed the Strait of Messina to Reggio, located on the southern tip of the Italian mainland. A second, larger Allied force landed south of Naples a week and a half later.

The arrival of Allied forces on the Italian peninsula led to the collapse of the Mussolini regime and Italy’s formal surrender. German forces in the country, however, pledged to resist the Allied invasion with all available resources. Fighting continued throughout the autumn months as the two Allied armies made their way northward. While the 1st Canadian Division met with little direct resistance as German forces withdrew northward, the enemy’s “delay” tactics and the peninsula’s mountainous terrain slowed their progress.

In less than two months, Allied forces advanced across one-third of the Italian mainland, reaching the Campobasso area by late October 1943. By that time, the strength of German forces in Italy was equal to that of their Allied foes. In addition, German units had constructed three defensive lines that spanned the width of the entire peninsula. While the Allied units managed to penetrate the first two without significant difficulty, the third system proved more formidable. Known as the Gustav Line, it stretched from Ortona on the Adriatic coast through Cassino to the Tyrrhenian Sea.

By December 1943, Canadian forces had swung eastward to the coastal plains along the Adriatic, where they encountered fierce German resistance. The 1st Canadian Division’s 2nd Brigade and tanks from the Three Rivers Regiment launched the initial attack on Ortona on December 20, 1943. It took eight days of hard fighting before Canadian soldiers cleared enemy soldiers from the town. During its time in the Ortona area, the 1st Canadian Division suffer 2,300 battle casualties, while another 1,600 men were impacted by illness or battle exhaustion.

The 3rd Infantry Brigade was in reserve when Private John Allan MacIsaac joined the Carleton and York Regiment’s active ranks on December 23, 1943. Throughout the winter and early spring of 1944, Canadian units completed regular rotations in a section of the front line north of Ortona during a period of static warfare. Both sides routinely dispatched night patrols, probing enemy defences and occasionally seeking to capture prisoners to identify units in the opposing line.

In April 1944, Canadian forces quietly withdrew from the Adriatic sector and made their way to western sectors of the Gustav Line, where Allied commanders planned an advance into the Liri Valley. British and Indian forces commenced the attack on May 11, with Canadian units entering the line several days later.

After breaching the Gustav Line’s defences, the Canadians advanced toward the Hitler Line, which cut across the valley’s northern area. The 5th Canadian Armoured Division, which had joined the 1st Canadian Division earlier in the year, breached the German defences on May 24, forcing the enemy to retreat northward toward the Italian capital.

While American forces advanced on Rome, Canadian units enjoyed a break from duty before returning the peninsula’s eastern coast, where they prepared to attack another German defensive network known as the Gothic Line. Their main objective was the town of Pesaro and the port of Ravenna to its north. A total of six rivers cut through the area the Canadians had to cross to reach their objectives. Beyond the line lay the Po Valley, the industrial heartland of Italy that produced materials to support the German effort.

The Canadian attack commenced on August 25 with units crossing the Mataro, the first river in their path. The soldiers then pressed on to the Foglia River, where German commanders had deployed reinforcements that included the 1stParachute Division. While Canadian Lieutenant General E. L. M. “Tommy” Burns announced that the Gothic line had been broken on September 2, the statement was premature, as heavy fighting developed on Coriano Ridge, located on the western flank in front of the Republic of San Marino.

Coriano Ridge was the last important area of high ground blocking the Allied advance northward. German troops, assisted by poor weather, resisted all attacks on the location. On September 12, the British 8th Army’s 5th Corps launched an assault from the south while Canadians pushed forward from the east. The two Canadian units conducting the attack—the Perth Regiment (Ontario) and the Cape Breton Highlanders—swept across the ridge amid fierce fighting.

The ridge’s capture was key to Allied forces advancing toward Rimini and eventually the Po River valley beyond. German commanders now concentrated their forces on a new defensive position known as the Rimini Line. With British and Indian forces held up in front of San Marino on the extreme left flank, the Canadians turned their attention to the eastern sector in front of Rimini. The 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade received orders to capture Rimini airfield in front of the town, while the 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade secured San Martino Ridge.

The Canadian attack commenced on September 14, 1944, the first day of what became a week-long battle. The 3rd Brigade managed to advance six kilometers to a 1,500-meter-long ridge. The 22e Régiment and West Novas leading the attack managed to enter the fortified village of San Martino itself but were soon driven back by German resistance. The two units finally secured the location the following day. While the Seaforth Highlanders were ordered to relieve the “Vandoos,” confusion during the relief process allowed German forces to recapture the village.

On the morning of September 18, the Carleton and York Regiment moved toward San Lorenzo on the left flank with the support of a squadron of British tanks. By 0800 hours, the soldiers reached the embankment of San Fortunato Ridge, but immediately encountered fierce enemy fire. While a small group of personnel managed to reach the Ausa River by 1010 hours, the group reported that it was “a definite tank obstacle… being held in strength.”

Machine gun fire from hidden positions along the Ausa’s opposite bank rained down on the Canadian infantrymen, while anti-tank weapons systematically eliminated their tank support. A bombardment of artillery and mortar shells also pummeled their position. By 1110 hours, six German tanks on the far side of the river had pinned down the Carleton & Yorks, preventing any further advance without significant casualties.

As no further progress was possible, the New Brunswickers were ordered to “firm up” their location. By day’s end, the Canadian attack had lost its momentum in all sectors along Fortunato Ridge. The forward troops found themselves scattered across low ground under direct enemy observation, unable to move.

At 2130 hours, two Carleton & York companies successfully crossed the Ausa in the aftermath of an artillery barrage and surprised their opponents, who were being relieved at the time. The attackers dispersed the enemy forces and secured a bridgehead on the opposite bank. Engineers immediately set about erecting bridging equipment across the river.

The crossing was completed by 0320 hours September 19, allowing Canadian forces to quickly expand the bridgehead on the Ausa’s opposite bank and assemble the forces required for a final assault on San Fortunato Ridge. The attack commenced later that day, the Carleton & Yorks holding their position as two units from each of 1st Canadian Division’s three brigades pressed forward up the ridge. By day’s end September 20, San Fortunato was under Canadian control.

Considering the enemy resistance that the Carleton & York Regiment faced during its September 18, 1944 advance to the Ausa, it is not surprising that the unit suffered 10 fatalities, while 20 infantrymen were wounded during the day’s fighting. 

Private John Allan MacIsaac was one of the soldiers killed in the attack on San Fortunato Ridge. Three days later, his remains were buried in a cemetery in Coriano, Italy. A news item in The Casket, dated October 17, 1944, informed its readers that Cassie, who was still living in Pictou, had been notified that her only son had been killed in action in Italy.

In April 1945, military officials selected Coriano Ridge as the site for a cemetery that became the final resting place for soldiers who died on the surrounding battlefields. Before years’ end, John Allan’s remains were re-interred in the Coriano Ridge War Cemetery, two miles north of Coriano. His mother Cassie requested the following inscription for his headstone: “IN LOVING MEMORY OF A DEAR SON AND BROTHER SADLY MISSED BY HIS MOTHER AND TWO SISTERS.” John Allan is also remembered on the Antigonish Cenotaph, Columbus Field, Antigonish, and the Carleton & York Regimental Cenotaph, located next to the Armoury, Carleton Street, Fredericton, NB.

Photograph of John Allan MacIsaac courtesy of Cordiss MacDonald, Antigonish, NS.